Violence Against Minority Hindus in Bangladesh: An Analysis

Dr Atanu Mohapatra

Dr Prakash Chandra Sahoo

Introduction

Bangladesh was born in 1971 premised on a secular and democratic ethos as paragraph 2 of the preamble of the first constitution of Bangladesh which was adopted on November 4, 1972 accepted ‘nationalism’, ‘socialism’, ‘democracy’ and secularism as state principles. But “soon after its birth, the political history and politics of Bangladesh found itself within the twists and turns of majoritarian politics (Mohisin, 2009)”. Through the Eighth Amendment to the constitution on 7 June 1988, Islam was declared as the state religion of Bangladesh (Article 2 Clause A) with the provision that other religions may be practiced in peace and harmony. “The above changes were brought about by successive political regimes to consolidate their power base by appealing to the sentiments of the majority. This not only transformed the political identity of the state but also created internal polarization (Mohisin, 2009)”. Since then the minority community (largely Hindus) face discrimination and continuous atrocities and violence as reported by many scholars and world bodies. It is also documented that the political process and the political parties were a major source of discrimination against minorities.

Demographic Changes by Religion

Source: BBS Population Report, 1991, Ct from, Shishir Moral, Rights of Religious Minorities, in Hameeda Hossain (ed). HumanRights Bangladesh, 2000, Dhaka, Ain ‘O Salish Kendro, 2001, pp. 160. and Banladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) Literacy Assessment Survey 2011, May 2013, Stastistics and Informatics Division (SID) Ministry of Planning.

Ever since the birth of Bangladesh, the Hindu population grew only marginally and their relative share in the total population declined considerably. According to the 2001 census, the size of Hindu population was 11.6 million which means since the past 27 years only, 1.7 million population was added yielding a 0.6% annual average growth rate. By contrast, the Muslim population almost doubled from 61 million to 111 million and the annual average growth rate was 2.2% during the same period. Therefore, the share of Hindu population to the country’s total population declined from 13.5% to 9.2% during the same period and by 1.79% since 1991, whilst the relative composition of Christians and Buddhist population did not change. Further, the Hindu population declined to 8.2 percent in the country with annual growth rate coming down to 0.05 percent between 2001 to 2011 and it is projected that in 2051 the share of Hindu population will decline to 3.7 percent.

History of Violence against Hindus:

A history of bloodshed against Hindus prevailed even before independence of India and the violence against Hindus was a common phenomenon in the then East Bengal and today’s Bangladesh because Hindus were historically religious minority but at the time of Independence due to partition of the country, genocide against Hindus on the basis of religion was exemplary. Since 1947 the violence against Hindus in then Pakistan and now Bangladesh is a continuous phenomenon and followed religiously by the majority of Muslims irrespective of political parties. The innumerable incidence of atrocities against Hindus like killing, rape, slaughter, forcible annexation of properties, burning of houses and abduction are taking place and in considerable number of cases the violators are the cadres of various political parties irrespective of whether they are ruling or are in opposition. According to an estimation, 475 persons belonging to the minority community are migrating from Bangladesh daily (Azad, Executive Director, Amity for Peace, Bangladesh).

After the 1947 genocide, Hindus were persecuted the most in 1971 due to which large scale migration of Hindus to India took place. According to estimates, at the time of Bangladesh Liberation War, almost 3,000,000 Hindus were butchered in one of the biggest genocides of the century. An article in ‘Time’ magazine dated 2 August 1971, stated "The Hindus, who account for three-fourths of the refugees and a majority of the dead, have borne the brunt of the Muslim military hatred (Wiki, 2014). According to BBC (9 March 2013) “Official estimates say more than three million were killed and tens of thousands of women raped during the Bangladesh war of independence. The minority Hindu community suffered disproportionately because some Pakistanis blamed them for Bangladesh's secession”. “Hindu community leaders say the attacks are systematic and have been going on for years. They say they are not only carried out by hardliner Islamists but also by supporters of other mainstream political parties, including the Awami League and the main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BBC, 9 March, 2013). The aim of the violence, Hindu leaders allege, is to grab land and other property. As a result, they say, many Hindus are fleeing to India to escape harassment, intimidation and violence (BBC, 9 March, 2013).

Many Bangladeshi scholars like Salam Azad (Executive Director, Amity for Peace, Bangladesh) hold the view that Islam became the state religion in Bangladesh since 1982, a concept diametrically opposed to the slogans and principles on the basis of which the Bangladesh freedom movement started i.e. secularism and democracy. Consequently, the minorities particularly Hindus, have been marginalized to the extent that they became unwanted low grade citizens in their own country. In almost all of the cases, the Hindus are not getting justice from judiciary. While depicting the plight of Hindus and exemplifying the nature of injustice, Azad says “the writ petitions made by ASK, an NGO to safeguard minority rights had not been responded to. Democracy without secularism has been negatively acting over freedom of the minority communities. Some NGOs stood as shelter for the minorities but that too has been obstructed by creating grouping among NGOs. Rights of the citizens belonging to the minority communities are thus curtailed in manifold ways”.

Violence in recent years

“We left our house in 1971 as the Pakistan army and Razakars set fire to our village. And we are passing through the same ordeal in 2014,” lamented Bishwajit Sarkar of Malopara village in Abhaynagar, Jessore (The Daily Star, January 2, 2014). Soon after the voting ended in Bangladesh, the Hindus had to face the ire of the activist of Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Jamaat-Shibir. Hindu houses have been looted, vandalized and burned in several places like Thakurgaon, Dinajpur, Rangpur, Bogra, Lalmonirhat, Rajshahi, Chittagong and Jessore (The Daily Star, January 7 2014). According to the New Age, “Miscreants attacked Hindu localities, temples and business establishments in Jessore, Satkhira, Thakurgaon, Panchagarh, Chittagong, Nilphamari, Kurigram, Lalmonirhat, Gaibandha, Dinajpur, Netrakona and some other districts after the national elections (New Age, January 11, 2014)”.

According to Dhaka Tribune, the violence against Hindus in these areas erupted due to the refusal by Hindus to boycott the election imposed by Jamaat-Shibir activists of Prembag, Chanpadanga, Bahirghat, Beledanga and some adjacent areas. The mayhem continued for two-hour by exploding 250 bombs, vandalization of one hundred houses etc. “The Jamaat-Shibir men resorted to their newly adopted technique of inciting their followers by lies. Around 4 pm, they made phone calls to their activists and students of the local madrasa, telling them that five of their activists had been killed in a clash with Malopara villagers. Jamaat-Shibir activists poured in from nearby villages – Baliadanga, Jagannathpur, Deyapara, Joldanga, Basundia, Dhakuria and Bangram – and attacked Malopara (Dhaka Tribune, january 7, 2014)”.

According to reports, almost five hundred Hindu families of Gopalpur village were affected in these classes and became homeless. Besides this, at least 350 houses and 50 shops of five villages, including Pritampara, Sahapara, Profullahpara, Telipara, Madhabpara and Ajaypara of Kornai village were damaged, set ablaze and looted (The Daily Star, January 7, 2014). The Hindus were also attacked and looted in the strongholds of Jamaat-Shibir and Jamaat-BNP like Satkania, Loahagara and Banshkhali upazilas Kaunia upazila of Rangpur and Nandigram upazila in Bogra (The Daily Star, January 7 2014). According to Dhaka Tribune (January 7, 2014) “Even homestead trees – coconut and banana – were burnt or chopped down and cowsheds were burnt, too. Idols in the houses were vandalised. Everything else was looted”.

On 29 January 2014, 20 Hindu families of Satkhira district got threat letters to leave Bangladesh where it has been written that “time has come to leave your homes immediately, and this time you have been told nicely. But the next time there will not be any niceities. (Dhaka Tribune Correspondent, January 29, 2014; Satkhira Correspondent, January 29, 2014 published in Hindu Existence, January 29, 2014)”. According to BD News 24.com (January 10, 2014), two Hindu housewives were sexually abused in Manirampur Upazila in Jessore in the post-election violence against the minority community. They held the men hostage and sexually abused the two housewives. The sexual abuse and rape against Hindu women is also reported by International Business Times (February 19, 2014).

A large number of Hindu temples are also burnt, vandalized and looted frequently. According to reports, the Kali temple at Narayanpur village under Ramganj in Lakshmipur, Satdoha Langta Babar Ashram and Shri Radha-Gobinda Mandir were either looted or torched (New Age, January 11, 2014; The Hindu, January 8, 2014). Besides these, the Kali temple at Battola and Kachubunia and the Durga temple of Ikri Union have also been attacked. The daily Ittefaq reported that “The members of the Hindu community are living in stark fear. Two people were killed in Gaibandha and Joypurhat (January 9, 2014)”. But according to International Business Times (February 19, 2014), “At least two dozen people were killed” in the violence. According to Ittefaq, The Hindu houses were set on fire in the Boalia village of Sukash union, Kushumba union of Joypurhat, Kuptola union of Gaibandha Lalmonirhat and Senpara of Shafinagar, Satkania, Loahagara and Banshkhali upazilas and many of the Hindus are injured due to the violence against them.

After this wide spread violence against Hindus after the general election, the violence is continuing and in a recent incidenr on May 5 2014, a mob of nearly 3,000 attacked Hindu households and a temple in eastern Bangladesh after two youths from the community allegedly insulted the Prophet Muhammad on Facebook at Homna in Comilla district, about 100 km south east of Dhaka (Hindu Existence, May 7, 2014). According to the Editor of Hindu Existence, “Minority Hindus are attacked again and again in Bangladesh on false rumors of defaming Muhammad in facebook. In most of the cases, it is established that some Muslim perpetrators like to use the social media like facebook to upload objectionable comments and pictures against Islam and Muhammad in a very motivated way. After spreading the rumors of blasphemy or the defamation of Muhammad, the Islamic goons attack Hindus, Hindu-households, temples and specially the women folk”. Most of the news papers reported that almost all the violence and attacks on Hindus in 2014 were initiated by the activists or members of Jamat-e-Islami and its student wing and Bangladesh National Party.

The year 2013 also witnessed a large scale and widespread violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. All forms of violence triggered against minority Hindus on 28 February 2013, on behalf of Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir soon after the death sentence given to Hossain Sayeedi, the Vice President of the Jamaat-e-Islami and the International Crime Tribune and the government of Bangladesh held Jamaat-e-Islami for the violence (Wiki, 2013). “In some cases allegedly aided by Bangladesh National Pary supporters, struck terror in the hearts of Hindus (News Bharati, Marrch 03, 2013)”. According to news Bharati, almost all the victims alleged that BNP activists are directly involved in the attack. “Sayedee got death sentence because of you. You cannot stay in this country,” Bablu Bhuiyan, whose two houses were damaged, quoted one attacker as saying (News Bharati, March 03, 2013). Barisal, Bagerhat and Gazipur, Rajganj, Chittagong's Banshkhali, Bagerhat, Gaurnadi upazila in Barisal, Kashimpur Bazar in Gazipur, Belka, Dhupni and Bangsher bazaar, Sundarganj upazila, Morelganj upazila are the areas where the most violent attacks took place. Expressing concern over the violence, the US Ambassador to Bangladesh Dan Mozena said “The United States is sad about the loss of lives and property and concerned about the attacks on Hindu temples and homes (The Daily Star, March 12, 2013; clickittefaq, March 11, 2013)”.

The 2013 violence was spread across the country and Hindus of almost all the divisions were affected. Upazilas like Begumganj, Begumganj, Morrelganj, Raipur, Gaurnadi, Morrelganj, Lohajung, Shibganj, Kotalipara, Aditmari, Satkania, Wazirpur, Singra, Daudkandi, Netrokona, Bamna, Burhanuddin, Sirjdikhan, Rangpur Sadar, Fulbaria, Kaliganj, Kotalipara, Juri, Patuakhali, Sherpur, Netrokona, Sreepur, Gatibali and Gazipur were the most affected areas where violence with burning and loot of major temples took place.

Even after these wide spread violence, the attack against Hindus continued for the whole year. On November 3 2013, Bonogram bazaar in Santhia upazila, about 40 kilometres from Pabna sadar, the Hindus were attacked. A Hindu boy was attacked and his house was burned on the false allegation of maligning Prophet Mohammad (The Daily Star, November 3, 2013, atestoneinstitute, November 21, 2013). In another incident, a group of masked criminals attacked 18 shops belonging to members of the Hindu community in a rural area in the district Lalmonirhat. The attack was allegedly launched by the main opposition party, BNP, and its crucial ally, Bangladesh Jammat-e Islami, the largest Islamist political party (atestoneinstitute, November 21, 2013). According to Hindu community leaders, more than 50 Hindu temples and more than 1,500 Hindu homes were destroyed in 20 districts in 2013 alone. The President of the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council said, "Conspirators are out to create a situation so that the Hindus can be attacked." Identifying the situation, Transparency International Bangladesh, a body of the Berlin-based Transparency International says, "Onslaughts and intimidation on minorities for ill and destructive political purpose before the election are not acceptable (atestoneinstitute, November 21, 2013)."

Underlying Cause of Violence

The larger objective of these kinds of violence and attack is to grab the land of Hindus. According to Jyotrimoy Barua, a Supreme Court lawyer in the capital Dhaka, “When we say it’s just political, it legitimizes the violence, Most of the people’s houses they are burning are poor. If you burn their house, they will leave the country, and you get their land.” “The Vested Property Act remained in force until 2001, allowing the government to expropriate “enemy” (in practice, Hindu) lands. Over the course of its existence, the government seized approximately 2.6 million acres of land, affecting almost all Hindus in the country (IRFR, 2012)”. Once the land is acquired, the influential and political people used to grab those lands and most of the Hindu families in Bangladesh is affected by this law. “Many Hindus continued efforts to recover land lost under the act. The Vested Properties Return (Amendment) Bill of 2011 obligates the government to publish lists of returnable vested property through gazette notification within 120 days. Subsequently, Hindu leaders submitted applications to reclaim previously seized vested property and requested an extension to prepare further applications. The Vested Property Return (Second Amendment) Act of 2012, passed on September 18, gives an additional 180 days for interested parties to submit applications for adjudication (IRFR, 2012)” but in practical these return act has not been enforced properly. According to Barkat et al (2008), in most of the cases, the beneficiary of these vested properties are the influential political people of different areas across political parties.

According to Jyotrimoy Barua “The violence isn’t just perpetrated by Jamat-e-Islami. In other provinces, opportunistic leaders have been accused of using divisive communal sentiments to enrich themselves. “In some constituencies, all the parties are tussling from the same group of voters — if anyone loses, he blames the Hindus (Time, January 14, 2014)”

Conclusion:

The violence against Hindus in Bangladesh is a part and result of wider religious intolerance spread against Hindus in the country is not the only cause to be believed. The economic and political aspect of violence in a wider prospect of neighborhood studies is required to understand the phenomena of Hindu subjugation in the country. There is a great possibility of underreporting of actual intensity of the violence and oppression if we critically analyze the political, social and democratic situation prevailing and the status of media in Bangladesh over the last 42 years. Whatever may be the cause of the violence against Hindus in Bangladesh, but it is clear that almost all the political parties of Bangladesh are trying to derive political mileage from the plight of Hindus. Besides, draconian laws like vested property act is a useful instrument to grab Hindu land holdings by the majority Muslim community. In the absence of any major economic opportunities, agricultural land is the only economic resource for which there is a lot of competition to grab and successive governments played an instrumental role in grabbing Hindu land to satisfy the majority influential community. Most of the Hindus hold the view that land is the major reason for which they have been attacked historically. Being one of the influential countries in the South Asian region, India should try to influence Bangladeshi authorities to save the minorities Hindus in Bangladesh. When there is already a world opinion on the issue, India and the Hindus in rest of the world need to intensify their campaign for safeguarding of minority rights in Bangladesh.

References:

• AZAD S., Status Of Minority Communities In Bangladesh; htpp://www2.ohchr.org; http://www.google.co.in/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja....
• Bangladesh Pratidin (January 10, 2013); কাপাসিয়ায় হিন্দু বাড়িতে আগুন; http://www.bd-pratidin.com/2014/01/10/37152.
• Barkat A., S. u. Zaman, M. S. Khan, A. Poddar, S. Hoque and M. T. Uddin (2008); Deprivition of Hindu Minority in Bangladesh: Living with Vested Property; Pathak Samabesh Book; Dhaka Bangladesh.
• BBC (March 9, 2013); Bangladesh Minorities 'Terrorised' After Mob Violence; http://www.bbc.com/news /world-asia-21712655
• BD News (January 10, 2014); 2 Hindu Housewives Violated; http://bdnews24.com/bangladesh/2014/01/10/2-hindu-housewives-violated.
• Dhaka Tribune (january 7, 2014); Obhoynagar Reminds of ’71 Horrors; http://www.dhakatribune.com/crime/2014/jan/07/obhoynagar-reminds-%E2%80%9971-horrors.
• Habib M. (November 21, 2013); Minority Hindus Targeted in Bangladesh; Gatestone Institute; http://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/4058/hindus-bangladesh.
• Hindu Existence (January 29, 2014); Islamic Bangladesh has lost all its Humanity. Now trying eviction of minority Hindus by threatening letters; http://hinduexistence.org/category/bangladeshi-hindus/.
• Hindu Existence (May 7, 2014 ); Hindus again attacked in Bangladesh on false rumours of defaming Muhammad in facebook; http://hinduexistence.org/category/attack-upon-hindu-buddhists-by-muslims/.
• HinduExistance (December 20, 2013); Who will save Bangladesh Hindus? Awami League and BCL are involved in Biswajit killing. Court sentenced 8 to death, 13 for life; http://hinduexistence.org/category/bangladeshi-hindus/.
• Hinduexistance (January 10, 2014); Boycott anti Hindu ABP Groups for their Nefarious Design to Snatching the Symbol of ‘Sindoor’ from Hindu Woman.; http://hinduexistence.org/category/bangladeshi-hindus/.
• International Business Times (July 06, 2014); Banglastan: Do Hindus Have A Future In Bangladesh?; http://www.ibtimes.com/banglastan-do-hindus-have-future-bangladesh-1556463.
• International Religious Freedom Report for 2012 (2012) United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor; pp 3-4.
• Mohsin A. (2009); Religion – A tool for discrimination in South Asia?, Bangladesh, (1^st Chapter), South Asians for Human Rights (SAHR), Colombo 8, Sri Lanka.
• My Telegraph (December 27th, 2012); Minorities are no Longer Safe under Awami League’s Rule; http://my.telegraph.co.uk/nivritchari/nivritchari/31/minorities-are-no-l....
• NDTV (January 10, 2014); Widespread attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh on Polling Day; http://www.ndtv.com/article/world/widespread-attacks-on-hindus-in-bangla....
• New Age (January 11, 2014); Attacks on Minorities; http://www.newagebd.com/detail.php?date=2014-0111&nid=80020#.U7PpTbHAAUB.
• News Bharati (December 12, 2013); Hindus, Facing Existential Attacks in Bangladesh http://www.interfaithstrength.com/Existential.htm.
• News Varati (March 3, 2013); Hindus Under Attack in Bangladesh; http://en.newsbharati.com/Encyc/2013/3/3/Hindus-under-attack-in-Bangladesh.aspx
• The Daily Ittefaq (January 9, 2014); Attacks on Minorities Continue; http://www.clickittefaq.com/more-stories/attacks-minorities-continue/.
• The Daily Ittefaq (March 11, 2013); Mozena: Violence Is Not the Way to Resolution; http://www.clickittefaq.com/featured-area/mozena-violence-is-not-the-way-to-resolution/.
• The Daily Star (January, 7, 2014); Hindus under Threat; http://www.thedailystar.net/hindus-under-threat-5781.
• The Daily Star (January 06, 2014); Terror on Hindus; http://www.thedailystar.net/terror-on-hindus-5670.
• The Daily Star (January 10, 2014); Gonojagoron Mancha Starts Road March to Jessore Today; http://www.thedailystar.net/city/gonojagoron-mancha-starts-road-march-to....
• The Daily Star (March 12, 2013); US Worried at Violence; http://archive.thedailystar.net/beta2/news/us-worried-at-violence/.
• The Daily Star (November 3, 2013); Hindus Attacked in Pabana; http://archive.thedailystar.net/beta2/news/hindus-attacked-in-pabna/.
• The Hindu (January 8, 2014); Hindu Temple in Bangladesh Vandalized; http://www.thehindu.com/news/international/south-asia/hindu-temple-in-bangladesh-vandalised/article5553487.ece
• Time (Jan. 14, 2014); The Hindus of Bangladesh Fear for Their Future; http://world.time.com/2014/01/14/the-hindus-of-bangladesh-are-fearing-fo....
• Wiki (2014); 2013 Bangladesh Anti-Hindu Violence; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2013_Bangladesh_anti-Hindu_violence.
• Wiki (2014); 2014); Bangladesh Anti-Hindu Violence; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014_Bangladesh_anti-Hindu_violence.
• Wiki (2014); Hinduism in Bangladesh; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Hinduism_in_Bangladesh.

(Dr Prakasha Chandra Sahoo is an independent research scholar based in Delhi while Dr Atanu Mohapatra is Assistant Professor at the Dept of Extension & Communication, The M S University of Baroda, Gujarat)

---

Courtesy: Vivek: Issues and Options; May-June 2014, Image source: http://hinduexistence.files.wordpress.com

Indo Bangladesh Relations

Maj Gen (Retd.) P K Chakravorty

Introduction

Pakistan Army surrendered to the Indian Army in Dacca on 16 December 1971. It was a victory which resulted in the creation of a new nation Bangladesh which found its rightful place in the committee of nations. India withdrew its Army and returned 93,000 Pakistani Prisoners of War back to Pakistan in accordance with the Simla agreement. The new nation was shaping up when a group of Army officers on 15 August 1975 assassinated the President Sheikh Mujibur Rehaman and his entire family. The only survivors were two daughters of the President, Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana who were in Germany. The assassination caused consternation and the Bangladesh Army called the shots. Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangladesh after six years of exile on 17 may 1981. In the mean time Bangladesh witnessed the rise of another lady Begum Khaleda Zia, the widow of late General Zia ur Rehaman who was assassinated in 1981. She heads the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). She ensured the fall of Ershad in 1990 and was elected Prime Minister for three sessions. Sheikh Hasina was first elected Prime Minister in 1996 and thereafter in 2008. Currently she is the Prime Minister making all out efforts to focus on economic development and improved international relations. Her current term ends on 29 December 2013 and elections could be held possibly in January 2014. Her main opponent would be Begum Khaleda Zia of BNP which currently has 30 seats in the Bangladesh Parliament Vis a Vis 230 of the Awami league.

Current situation

Bangladesh is economically becoming stronger with each passing day. The GDP of Bangladesh as per Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) is US $ 306 billion. Despite global economic recession the country has been maintaining a steady growth rate for the last decade at about 6% and this financial year the growth rate is about 6.4%. The country has doubled her revenue collection in the past four years. Further the foreign exchange reserves have risen to $ 12.3 billion as compared to $ 5.78 billion in 2009. The per capita income has risen to $ 848 from $676 four years ago. Currently, Bangladesh produces the best textiles in the world. The biggest achievement is that poverty is down to 31.5% from 40.4% in 2005. Education is being given tremendous importance. Schooling is free in the primary sections but figures of actual attendance vary as a large number of children are not able to attend school due to multiple reasons. Overall there is a gradual stabilisation which is reducing the illegal immigration from Bangladesh into India. Though it is estimated that there are about 10 million illegal immigrants of Bangladesh in India, improvement in socio economic conditions would lead to control over this issue.

The security forces of Bangladesh have stopped interfering with political activities and are contented undertaking military tasks. The Bangladesh Army with seven divisions and a strength of 300,000 would be receiving Russian armoured vehicles, Air defence systems from Russia on account of $1.2 billion deal signed by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in Jan 2013. The Navy has strength of 22.000 personnel and their primary task is coastal patrolling. They have five frigates, two submarines and numerous small surface ships. The Air Force has a strength of about 22000 and has four fighter squadrons based on F 7 and four helicopter squadrons. Bangladesh is likely to get about eight Mig 29 shortly. The Armed Forces no longer are involved in politics as was observed post 1975 till about 1990. Currently they are very keen on undertaking UN peace keeping operations which fetches them a lot of goodwill and monetarily benefit their personnel. It is reported that the UN has stated that peace keeping operations will be curtailed if the Army interferes in domestic politics. It is pertinent to note that Bangladesh would be commencing two nuclear plants with Russian assistance.

Recently the youth of the country are involved in the Shahbag protests which are being undertaken in the Shahbag portion of Dacca since 05 February 2013. The movement commenced demanding capital punishment for Abdul Quader Mollah and others convicted of crimes prior and during the liberation War in 1971. The International Crimes Tribunal had sentenced him to life imprisonment and this did not satisfy the nation. The current demand is to ban the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami party as its leaders have been convicted of genocide and war crimes. The movement is apolitical and comprises the younger generation who would like the completion of the trial of the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rehaman along with his family members. The Jamaat-e-Islami has opposed the Shahbag movement and is stated to have killed Ahmed Rajib Hyder a blogger who had been posting anti Islamic posts. The BNP initially supported Jamaat but have now taken a neutral position. There has been a hartal by 23 liberal groups against the Jamaat who have been perpetrating sporadic violence.

Relations with India

India has on her part left no stone unturned to assist Bangladesh. Possibly after about 41 years Bangladesh is responding positively to India’s policies of cooperation. India and Bangladesh have excellent trade relations and exports of Bangladesh to India have crossed $500 million mark and may reach the one billion mark in future. Further to revive traditional community trading that used to exist prior to 1947, Border Haats have been started between the two countries. India’s concerns pertain primarily to Security, border boundaries, water and connectivity.

As regards security India’s main concern was use of Bangladesh by militant groups as a launch pad for executing operations against India. The present Bangladesh Government has extensively cooperated with India on this subject resulting in reducing the insurgency in the North Eastern regions of our country. The two Home Ministers have also signed an Extradition treaty on the subject.

India shares a border of 4096 km with Bangladesh. The Radcliffe line has created enclaves which need to be rationalised. India has 111 enclaves in Bangladesh and Bangladesh has 55 enclaves in India. Further there are Adversely Possessed Lands habitually used for cultivation by people of a community who suddenly found a fence hindering their activities. Both the Governments have come to an understanding and this would lead to signing of an agreement which would need ratification by Parliament. For Bangladesh it would be a simple task, but for India which would need a Constitutional amendment, it would be difficult as the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) has declared it opposes the settlement. It is a matter of time as people in these enclaves are keen to resolve the issue and have faith in both countries. The agreement on the border would also lead to transit rights enabling better connectivity between Bengal and Assam. This would allow people and goods to travel easily between the two countries by rail, road and some places by river.

The two countries share 54 rivers and so far only problems relating to the River Ganga have been resolved by a 30 years agreement on 12 December 1996. Hydro electric dams are being built in Meghalay and Tripura. Further, it is reported that Bangladesh is going to buy 500 mw of electricity from India. Both countries have worked out a draft agreement for Teesta River which was to be signed in September 2012 during the visit of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to Bangladesh has been delayed due to last minute change of stand by West Bengal Chief Minister Ms Mamta Bannerjee. The issues raised by the state are being renegotiated and it is expected that the concern of West Bengal would be suitably addressed.

It is of utmost importance that the land and the Water Agreements are signed between India and the Bangladesh. This will put relations between us on a firm pedestal. Recently our President Shri Pranab Mukherjee visited Bangladesh in March 2013 and the BNP leader Begum Khaleda Zia cancelled her meeting with him stating flimsy reasons. It is necessary we make conditions congenial for re election of Awami League in 2014.

Conclusion

Sheikh Hasina Wajed has taken a strong stand against anti India terror activities on its soil. She is slated to visit India in September 2013. The agreements must be signed to facilitate her return to power in 2014.

War Crime Trials: Bangladesh on the Edge

Neha Mehta 

(Research Associate, VIF)

The 1971 Liberation War in Bangladesh has been the worst chapter in Bangladesh’s history that witnessed genocide, rape and murder at the hands of the army of West Pakistan and their collaborators in East Pakistan (present day Bangladesh). This resulted in the 1971 civil war between Mukti Bahni (Liberation army) supported by India against the Pakistani forces which had the full support of Jamaat-e-Islami. It had formed paramilitary forces like Razakars, Al-Badr and Al-Shams that were against the independence of East Pakistan. During the nine months that the war continued the Pakistani army and their collaborators killed millions of people, mainly targeting Bangladeshi intelligentsia, minority groups, women and pro-independence forces that left a permanent scar in Bangladesh’s psyche. An estimated 3 million people lost their lives through various acts of genocide, in addition to 200,000 women who were raped. Such atrocities were instrumental in the migration of over 10 million people to India.

A politically divided nation that still retains the essential ideological divide is presently facing deep crisis and uncertainty owing to the verdicts of the International Crimes Tribunal. Setting up the International Crimes Tribunal was part of PM Sheikh Hasina’s election manifesto of the 2008 elections, taking into consideration the long held demand of the people to get justice for the crimes committed more than 40 years ago. Hence, in 2010 an International Crimes Tribunal (Bangladesh) was set up to try cases against the collaborators of the Pakistan army. This included a total of nine Jamaat-e-Islami leaders and two from Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)¹, covering almost the whole of Jamaat-e-Islami leadership including Jamaat’s current leader, Motiur Rahman Nizami and also the party’s head in 1971, Ghulam Azam.

The current political environment in the country has become extremely volatile with a clear division over the verdicts given by the International Crimes Tribunal. On the one hand, the Jamaat-e-Islami has out rightly rejected the verdict, going on a rampage instead to have their demands met. They have demanded the dissolution of the tribunals and freedom for the accused. To that effect, they have tried all means possible to put pressure on the government, domestically as well as internationally. The government however, has refused to relent and is not bowing to any kind of pressure employed by Jamaat. Rather, the nationalist fervour in the country has gained ascendancy and there is a clamour for awarding the maximum punishment as seen in the Shahbag square movement. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the main opposition party, an ally of Jamaat-e-Islami has not been openly supportive of them lest they be deemed anti nationalist and anti liberation war. In addition, with elections around the corner it would be detrimental to their image.

The present upheaval has plummeted the country into a state of anarchy as a consequence of the verdict given on the three Jamaat-e-Islami leaders in the International War Crimes Tribunals. The first verdict that came out on January 21, 2013 awarded death sentence to Abdul Kalam Azad alias Bachchu Razakar in absentia (supposed to be in Pakistan) for genocide and crimes against humanity. It was after the second verdict that announced life sentence to Jamaat-e-Islami’s assistant secretary-general, Abdul Quader Mollah on February 5, 2013 which resulted in student protests at the Shahbag square. It led to huge uproar amongst the people who strongly reacted against the verdict and wanted nothing less than the death sentence for the accused. In addition, the largely peaceful student demonstrators demanded a ban on fundamentalist political parties in Bangladesh. The demonstrators and the government, however, were on the same side in the case which led the government to amend the International Crimes Tribunal Act (1973) with a provision that allows the state to file an appeal with the Supreme Court against inadequate award of sentence by the Tribunal.

However, it was the death sentence given to Maulana Delawar Hussain Sayedee who is Jamaat-e-Islami Nayab-e-Ameer which became the tipping point leading the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami in unleashing a reign of terror and take law into their own hands. They vandalised public properties and engaged in street fighting resulting in many deaths. In addition, numerous attacks on the places of worship of minorities especially the Hindus as well as their houses were carried out by the activists of the Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir.

Political parties like the Jamaat-e-Islami identified as the collaborators and perpetrators of the war crimes in 1971 have always been known to damage the secular fabric of Bangladesh with their extremist activities and right wing leanings. It was seen in abundance in the last government of Khaleda Zia, in which Jamaat-e-Islami was part of the four party alliance forming the government. The period of their rule, (2001-2007) saw a corresponding rise in terrorist activities that wreaked havoc in the country and led to a very unstable political environment. The 2005 bombing in which around 500 bomb explosions occurred at 300 locations in 63 out of the 64 districts of Bangladesh as well as the attack on the political rally of Awami League in 2004 in which the present PM Sheikh Hasina almost lost her life are some of the examples. It was a time during which terrorism increased to unprecedented levels with attacks being planned against secular minded opposition parties as well as against India. Their aim essentially was to establish an Islamic state.

The efforts to derail the War Crimes trial since it started to function in 2010 have continued since then with a spate of controversies and pressure being put to stop the trials Earlier also, there were attempts to destabilise the current government in order to thwart the war crimes trial as was seen in the Feb 2009 mutiny by the Bangladesh Rifles. It was suspected to have been orchestrated by the Jamaat-e-Islami so that the Awami League could not keep their election promise.

In addition, in December last year the presiding Judge of Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal Mohammed Nizamul Huq’s email and skype conversations with a Brussels based lawyer were hacked. This led to his resignation and he was accused of being biased as it was alleged that he discussed the working of the tribunal with an outsider. However, the timing of the controversy that had erupted was particularly crucial as it was around this time that the verdict of Maulana Delawar Hussain Sayedee was awaited. It was aimed to bring into question the credibility of the judges and increase the pressure on the government. Owing to the controversy, calls were made for a retrial of this case, which were rejected. This was done essentially to stall the war crimes trial and project it as being one sided and biased in order to generate opinion against it internationally and domestically.

Additionally, diplomatic pressure was put on Bangladesh by the Turkish President Abdullah Gul’s letter to President Zillur Rahman that called for “clemency” to the accused on trial in the International Crimes Tribunal for the “sake of peace in the society”.² This move, however, surprised the government, that otherwise has excellent relations with the country and it was perceived as meddling in the internal affairs of Bangladesh leading to tensions between the two.

It is anticipated that verdict would be given to all the accused this year itself due to the amendment brought about to the war crimes law that made the appeal process to be completed within 90 days timeframe.³ Going by the recent spate of violence by the activists from the Jamaat-Shibir, gives a clear idea how volatile Bangladesh is going to be in the coming months.

The war crimes trials started after more than 40 years in 2010. This was not done earlier in order to restore the unity of the nation and to establish a politically stable democracy, so as to not divide the country ideologically at its birth. Therefore, the war criminals were granted amnesty by Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman, the father of the nation to essentially assimilate the group into the new nation. Nonetheless, such an action did not lead to its desired results, as is quite apparent historically with the spate of military coups, assassinations, political instability and steady rise of religious fanatics and extremism in the country. The desire to change the secular credentials of Bangladesh and turn it into an Islamic State has been a constant aim of the right wing parties in Bangladesh.

A backlash from the Jamaat after the verdicts was something that was expected but the youth movement at Shahbag showed the resolve of the Bangladeshi youth who led the way to make sure that the extremists get the severest punishment. The coming few months leading up to the elections to be held later this year or early next year would be crucial with a range of issues between the incumbent government and the opposition parties that could lead to a deadlock. The law and order situation particularly would be volatile owing to the verdicts that are awaited in the International Crimes Tribunal that might again bring the country to a standstill. However, the people of Bangladesh have waited long enough for justice to be done. Therefore it is imperative for the Awami League government to see that justice is done against the people who committed such heinous crimes against millions of Bangladeshi’s during the Liberation War.

Endnotes

1. Ethirajan, Anbarasan (Dec 2012), “Bangladesh war crimes judge Nizamul Huq resigns”,Accessed on: 15 March 2013, URL: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-20677752
2. The Daily Star (Dec28, 2012), “Tension with Turkey”, Accessed on: 28 March 2013, URL:http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=262861
3. The Economist (March 2013), “Bangladesh's war-crimes trials: Bloodletting after the fact”, Accessed : 6 March 2013, URL: http://www.economist.com/blogs/banyan/2013/03/bangladeshs-war-crimes-trials

Political Impasse over the Caretaker Government in Bangladesh

Neha Mehta 

(Research Assistant, VIF)

The Caretaker Government that was a unique feature of Bangladesh’s democracy was in place over the years to oversee elections in a country that has a history of military coups, political assassinations and electoral fraud. Historically, democracy has struggled in Bangladesh with an unstable political environment that has two main political parties at loggerheads at all times with periods of dictatorships and battling the influence of its army in politics. The decision to do away with the Caretaker Government was taken through the fifteenth amendment to the constitution in mid 2011, following the Supreme Court verdict that declared the thirteenth constitutional amendment illegal. This created quite a furor in the political circles leading to the current political stalemate.

Originally, the Caretaker Government system was constitutionally introduced through the thirteenth amendment to the constitution after the three main political parties, the Awami League, the Jamaat-e-Islami and Jatiya Party boycotted the sixth general elections in 1996, to press for the demand of a Caretaker Government to oversee political transition in the country. The thirteenth amendment gave power to an elected government to transfer power to an unelected non-partisan Caretaker Government to oversee new parliamentary election on completion of its term. The system which lasted for 15 years, however held four elections under it viz. in 1991, 1996, 2001 and 2008. The system was first put in place informally in 1991, at a time of critical political transformation, before it was included in the constitution. The aim was to oversee the election process at a time when military dictator Hussain Muhammad Ershad was ousted and electoral democracy was restored in Bangladesh as well as to counter any kind of military influence.

Currently, the Caretaker Government issue has become one of the main rallying points for the opposition that has out-rightly refused to be part of the elections that would be held under the supervision of an Election Commission at the end of 2013 or early 2014. This has created deep divisions in an already divided political domain. In order to press for the demand of restoration of the Caretaker Government as a pre-requisite to their participation in the elections, the coalition of 18 parties forming the opposition has been mounting pressure on the government over a year and a half through strikes and resorting to violent means to bring home their point. In addition, they have been refusing to be party to any kind of talks to look for an alternative to the issue. Their argument is that the elections held under the incumbent government would not be free and fair. Meanwhile, the Awami League has also been adamant about not reversing the decision that was taken in 2011 and wanting elections to be held under an Election Commission arguing that is the way parliamentary democracies function.

The current political stance of Awami League and the BNP, however, is diametrically opposite to when the Caretaker system was introduced constitutionally, with the Awami League pressing for the system while the BNP being reluctant to concede to such a demand. It was primarily an outcome of lack of trust amongst the political parties as well as the belief that the incumbent government could not hold an election without meddling with the political process which would lead to electoral fraud. This however, is the perception even today.

The controversial Caretaker Government that was installed in 2006 after the BNP rule from 2001-2006 brought to the fore the way the provision could be exploited. Under the system that was introduced through the thirteenth constitutional amendment it was important to install a caretaker government within 15 days of the previous parliament being dissolved which had to ensure that fresh polls were held within 90 days with the help of a commission.¹ The fear of many thinkers that such a system would be misused got materialized when the last caretaker government far extended its time period and was there for two years. It was a tumultuous time and proved detrimental to any kind of political process in the country. The political rollercoaster that led to a take over by the military only led to more political chaos which put democracy in deep jeopardy.

The Caretaker government being a foolproof system against extra constitutional take-over or being entirely neutral, however, is far from the truth as was seen what transpired from 2006 to 2008. The primary reason for the political turmoil was the lack of neutrality of the Chief Advisor that was seen to have close political affiliations with the BNP. Adding to this, the military takeover of the caretaker government in 2007 brought into focus firstly, the glaring deficiencies in the Caretaker Government system through which a political process could be hijacked and secondly, it served as a huge setback to democratic progression which engulfed the country in deep political crisis.

Moreover, the advisors that were appointed in a Caretaker Government were an unelected set of opinionated people who had to deliver within a short span of time.² However, it is principally the duty of an Election Commission, the government officials in the secretariats and the law and order agencies who are required to perform in a democratic set up.³ In the current scenario, the Election Commission should be strengthened and made more independent devoid of any political influences with non- partisan officials to oversee the election process.

Although, there have been international observers that termed the elections under a Caretaker Government as free and fair, that was never the opinion of the party that lost, who always cried foul and blamed the winning party of election fraud. Therefore, no matter what system is put in place the losing party would continue to have doubts over it. The current opposition had itself rejected the verdict of the elections held under a caretaker government when it lost. Therefore, the stop gap arrangement in the shape of the Caretaker Government that was put in place had definitely outlived its utility as it could not continue to be the solution to the basic mistrust amongst the political parties and the unstable political situation in Bangladesh. Such an undemocratic feature definitely needed to go to let democracy take deep roots in Bangladesh.

The need of the hour is to not let the country go through another round of political mayhem and have a smooth transition by holding parliamentary elections in a free and fair manner devoid of electoral fraud. It is high time that after almost 42 years of independence to have a stable parliamentary democracy with solid foundation keeping the influence of the army at the minimal and to have checks for any kind of extra constitutional take over. The arguments for and against the system have been put forth aplenty but the larger issue is to strike a balance, look for an amicable solution to the problem and shun the confrontationist stance by putting the needs of the nation above petty politics.

Endnotes

1. The Economist (Aug 2012 )“Running elections in Bangladesh: Generally trusted”, [Online: web] Accessed: 1 Feb 2013, URL: http://www.economist.com/blogs/banyan/2012/08/running-elections-bangladesh
2. Hussain, Syed Muhammad (May 2012), “Thought on an Interim/Caretaker government”, [Online: web]
   Accessed: 1 Feb 2013, URL: http://ns.bdnews24.com/blog/en/index.php/syed-muhammad-hussain/1351
3. ibid