Political Impasse over the Caretaker Government in Bangladesh

Neha Mehta 

(Research Assistant, VIF)

The Caretaker Government that was a unique feature of Bangladesh’s democracy was in place over the years to oversee elections in a country that has a history of military coups, political assassinations and electoral fraud. Historically, democracy has struggled in Bangladesh with an unstable political environment that has two main political parties at loggerheads at all times with periods of dictatorships and battling the influence of its army in politics. The decision to do away with the Caretaker Government was taken through the fifteenth amendment to the constitution in mid 2011, following the Supreme Court verdict that declared the thirteenth constitutional amendment illegal. This created quite a furor in the political circles leading to the current political stalemate.

Originally, the Caretaker Government system was constitutionally introduced through the thirteenth amendment to the constitution after the three main political parties, the Awami League, the Jamaat-e-Islami and Jatiya Party boycotted the sixth general elections in 1996, to press for the demand of a Caretaker Government to oversee political transition in the country. The thirteenth amendment gave power to an elected government to transfer power to an unelected non-partisan Caretaker Government to oversee new parliamentary election on completion of its term. The system which lasted for 15 years, however held four elections under it viz. in 1991, 1996, 2001 and 2008. The system was first put in place informally in 1991, at a time of critical political transformation, before it was included in the constitution. The aim was to oversee the election process at a time when military dictator Hussain Muhammad Ershad was ousted and electoral democracy was restored in Bangladesh as well as to counter any kind of military influence.

Currently, the Caretaker Government issue has become one of the main rallying points for the opposition that has out-rightly refused to be part of the elections that would be held under the supervision of an Election Commission at the end of 2013 or early 2014. This has created deep divisions in an already divided political domain. In order to press for the demand of restoration of the Caretaker Government as a pre-requisite to their participation in the elections, the coalition of 18 parties forming the opposition has been mounting pressure on the government over a year and a half through strikes and resorting to violent means to bring home their point. In addition, they have been refusing to be party to any kind of talks to look for an alternative to the issue. Their argument is that the elections held under the incumbent government would not be free and fair. Meanwhile, the Awami League has also been adamant about not reversing the decision that was taken in 2011 and wanting elections to be held under an Election Commission arguing that is the way parliamentary democracies function.

The current political stance of Awami League and the BNP, however, is diametrically opposite to when the Caretaker system was introduced constitutionally, with the Awami League pressing for the system while the BNP being reluctant to concede to such a demand. It was primarily an outcome of lack of trust amongst the political parties as well as the belief that the incumbent government could not hold an election without meddling with the political process which would lead to electoral fraud. This however, is the perception even today.

The controversial Caretaker Government that was installed in 2006 after the BNP rule from 2001-2006 brought to the fore the way the provision could be exploited. Under the system that was introduced through the thirteenth constitutional amendment it was important to install a caretaker government within 15 days of the previous parliament being dissolved which had to ensure that fresh polls were held within 90 days with the help of a commission.¹ The fear of many thinkers that such a system would be misused got materialized when the last caretaker government far extended its time period and was there for two years. It was a tumultuous time and proved detrimental to any kind of political process in the country. The political rollercoaster that led to a take over by the military only led to more political chaos which put democracy in deep jeopardy.

The Caretaker government being a foolproof system against extra constitutional take-over or being entirely neutral, however, is far from the truth as was seen what transpired from 2006 to 2008. The primary reason for the political turmoil was the lack of neutrality of the Chief Advisor that was seen to have close political affiliations with the BNP. Adding to this, the military takeover of the caretaker government in 2007 brought into focus firstly, the glaring deficiencies in the Caretaker Government system through which a political process could be hijacked and secondly, it served as a huge setback to democratic progression which engulfed the country in deep political crisis.

Moreover, the advisors that were appointed in a Caretaker Government were an unelected set of opinionated people who had to deliver within a short span of time.² However, it is principally the duty of an Election Commission, the government officials in the secretariats and the law and order agencies who are required to perform in a democratic set up.³ In the current scenario, the Election Commission should be strengthened and made more independent devoid of any political influences with non- partisan officials to oversee the election process.

Although, there have been international observers that termed the elections under a Caretaker Government as free and fair, that was never the opinion of the party that lost, who always cried foul and blamed the winning party of election fraud. Therefore, no matter what system is put in place the losing party would continue to have doubts over it. The current opposition had itself rejected the verdict of the elections held under a caretaker government when it lost. Therefore, the stop gap arrangement in the shape of the Caretaker Government that was put in place had definitely outlived its utility as it could not continue to be the solution to the basic mistrust amongst the political parties and the unstable political situation in Bangladesh. Such an undemocratic feature definitely needed to go to let democracy take deep roots in Bangladesh.

The need of the hour is to not let the country go through another round of political mayhem and have a smooth transition by holding parliamentary elections in a free and fair manner devoid of electoral fraud. It is high time that after almost 42 years of independence to have a stable parliamentary democracy with solid foundation keeping the influence of the army at the minimal and to have checks for any kind of extra constitutional take over. The arguments for and against the system have been put forth aplenty but the larger issue is to strike a balance, look for an amicable solution to the problem and shun the confrontationist stance by putting the needs of the nation above petty politics.

Endnotes

1. The Economist (Aug 2012 )“Running elections in Bangladesh: Generally trusted”, [Online: web] Accessed: 1 Feb 2013, URL: http://www.economist.com/blogs/banyan/2012/08/running-elections-bangladesh
2. Hussain, Syed Muhammad (May 2012), “Thought on an Interim/Caretaker government”, [Online: web]
   Accessed: 1 Feb 2013, URL: http://ns.bdnews24.com/blog/en/index.php/syed-muhammad-hussain/1351
3. ibid

Politics of Corruption in Bangladesh

Neha Mehta 

(Research Assistant, VIF)

Corruption is rampant in Bangladesh in almost every sphere of life. However, a series of high profile corruption scandals, such as in the Padma Bridge project, the Railway Scandal, the Hall Mark Group scam, Destiny Group and last year’s share market scam under the current Sheikh Hasina government, that involved high ranking ministers and officials has brought the credibility of the government under the scanner. In a situation of continuous political strife and with elections fast approaching, a series of corruption scams of such magnitude has led the general public to question the motives of the government that came to power on the pretext of taking firm action against corruption. Adding to this, the dismissive and defensive stance of the government has only worsened its position.

In Bangladesh, with politics getting intertwined with corruption, the cycle of blame game starts with the tenure of each party forming the government alternatively, to take political advantage, in their pursuit for power. The continuous political bickering over corruption issues in Bangladesh has been a constant over the years, with each party in power probing scandals that involved party leaders of the opposition and in turn getting rid of their own cases that were being pursued by the last government.

Institutionally the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) was established in 2004 to have a neutral, independent institution to enact preventative and retributive policies to fight corruption in a variety of entities, both governmental and non-governmental. ¹ However in the latest report on Bangladesh brought out by the International Crisis Group², the ACC was termed as a “toothless tiger” by the chairman of ACC Ghulam Rahman, who said that it is now required to obtain the governments permission before investigating officers, which in turn increases the chances of the corrupt suspects to put pressure on its subordinates to not give information or cooperating with ACC. In addition, the old cases against senior party leaders have been wiped out by finding loop holes in the judicial process with the help of the National Committee on Withdrawl of Politically-Motivated Cases that recommended the dismissal of 315 corruption cases through Feb 2012.³

However, there is no mistaking the fact that Awami League government has had credible success on many fronts like in destroying terrorist networks functioning in the country, jailing extremists and stopping foreign funding of terrorist organistaions operating from its soil. From the verge of being declared as a state sponsor of terrorism during the last BNP led government, it has come a long way. In the domain of foreign policy, it has taken constructive strides, especially in improving relations with India, mainly by addressing its security concerns and making efforts to find solutions to long standing issues between the two countries. Additionally, the economy has grown at an impressive rate of around 6 percent⁴ as well as strides made in education, healthcare and women upliftment under Sheikh Hasina’s leadership has been much appreciated. However, inspite of all the positive steps taken by the government, there is a rising discontentment and disillusionment against a government that is considered the secular face of Bangladeshi politics and which came to power with a thumping majority in the elections of 2008. A series of corruption allegations involving government functionaries among others has tainted its image.

Corruption allegations in various domains especially in the Padma Multipurpose Bridge Project led multilateral lending agency like World Bank cancelling the pledged $1.2 billion credit for the $2.9 billion Padma bridge project on June 29 2012, stating that it found 'credible evidence' of corruption in the project. This in turn, gave a huge setback to the image of Bangladesh abroad and embarrassed the Awami League government. A country that is highly dependent on development aid from external agencies, it becomes all the more crucial to keep a clean image. World Bank is an important credit provider for development projects in Bangladesh and it pulling back due to the issue of corruption, in turn brought the Padma Bridge project to a standstill, as the other donors (Asian Development Bank (ADB), Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and Islamic Development Bank (IDB) could not move forward without it. The Padma Bridge Project which was conceptualized with the aim to overhaul the transportation infrastructure that intended to connect the South-Western region of the country, “in order to stimulate economic growth by facilitating inter-regional, cross-river transport of passengers and freight, and transmission of natural gas, telecommunication and electricity in a cost effective manner”⁵, is particularly crucial to Awami League as it formed part of its election manifesto. Therefore, fulfilling its promises becomes imperative as it would definitely have a bearing on the elections due next year.

Initially, the stance of the Bangladeshi government to the corruption allegations in the Padma Bridge Project was defensive and defiant, maintaining that a lack of evidence in the case was the reason behind their inaction. However, the need to get the project started, along with the dire need to get the finances, they had to albeit reluctantly comply to the conditionality that was put forth by the World Bank officials with a promise to have a credible investigation and transparent implementation of Padma bridge project.

Further, allegations against the Railway Minister of the Sheikh Hasina government, Suranjit Sengupta over the issue of taking cash bribes from applicants seeking jobs in the state run railway led to his resignation and brought a barrage of criticism against the government. Although, he denied taking money from the applicants and subsequently even resigned, but was made a minister without portfolio after he submitted his resignation, which caused great disappointment to the public who expected stern action against the accused.

In addition, cases of corruption in the financial sector like the illegal disbursement of a loan of Tk 3,547 crore to Hallmark Group and five other companies between 2010 and May this year⁶ by Sonali Bank, in which the alleged involvement of the Prime Minister's Health and Family Welfare advisor, Syed Modasser Ali in the scam, brings into focus the connection of a high level government functionary in the scandal. Besides, the off-hand remark of the Finance Minister AMA Muhith's on this issue that “Tk 4,000 crore loan scandal out of the Tk 40,000 crore loan in the country’s banking sector is not a big deal”, showed the casual manner in which such a issue was being addressed. In addition, the share market scam in which about Tk 20,000 crore were swindled and the Destiny group scam, have all affected the popularity of the government severely especially for people who viewed their coming to power as a welcome change as against the corrupt and radical policies of the last BNP led government.

Transparency International’s latest report on “Positive and Negative Roles of the Members of the 9^thParliament: A Review” that put forth its findings, raked up a political storm with strong reactions from the Awami League. The report stated that around 97 percent of the MPs are involved in “negative activities and 70 percent were involved in criminal activities ⁷. Ministers from the Awami League, however, questioned the motive as well as the timing of the report saying it is ‘ill motivated” and considered it as a conspiracy to bring non-elected people to power as well as to damage the image of the elected MPs. The issue was extensively politicized and they even contemplated action against the international watchdog, which shows little tolerance for criticism, rather it should make efforts to improve its image than to take action against independent agencies.

Criticism against Sheikh Hasina has mounted over the months domestically as well as internationally, especially by various international agencies that have been critical in their assessment of her policies. The scrapping of the provision of a caretaker government to oversee elections by adopting the fifteenth amendment to the constitution, has led to a political stalemate over the issue. In addition, actions against the Grameen bank and other issues have been viewed negatively. Adding to it, the cases of corruption against the government has deteriorated its standing.

However, Bangladesh is not new to corruption rather it has struggled to keep a clean image. The state of governance and corruption during the BNP led government had reached at its lowest ebb. Bangladesh was at the bottom for five years (2001-2005) in the annual corruption perception index (CPI) by the Transparency International (TI) during the tenure of the BNP led government.⁸ However in the following six years it improved slightly. From 2006-2011, it ranked third, seventh, tenth, thirteenth, twelfth and thirteenth respectively.⁹

The need for a progressive Bangladesh demands secular credentials and a corruption free image. A series of scandals of such magnitude and frequency has gone against the incumbent government, that came to power as an alternative to a government, that was viewed as being radical, corrupt and extreme in its approach. The opposition parties especially the BNP, on the other hand are trying to use the discontentment of the people to their advantage, by projecting themselves as the alternative proposing radical policies. The need of the hour, however, is stern action against the accused and less politics over the issue to turn around the battered image of the Awami League. The future of Bangladesh would suffer due to the mistake of a few corrupt people which might result in bringing a radical government to power, governed by Islamists that would only take the country backward and would not benefit anyone.

Endnotes

1. Berkley Center for Religion, Peace and World Affairs, “ Anti-Corruption Commission Bangladesh”, [Online: web] Accessed: 2 Nov 2012: URL: http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/resources/organizations/anti-corruption-commission-bangladesh
2. International Crisis Group (13 June 2012) “Bangladesh Back to the Future: Asia Report No. 226” [Online: web] Accessed: 2 Nov 2012: URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/bangladesh/226-bangladesh-back-to-the-future.pdf
3. Ibid
4. Central Intelligence Agency, “World Fact Book” [Online: web] Accessed: 14 Nov 2012:URL:https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/fields/2003.html
5. World Bank (2012) Bangladesh Padma Multipurpose Bridge Project [Online: web]Accessed 2 Nov 2012 URL:http://www.worldbank.org/projects/P111017/bangladesh-padma-multipurpose-bridge-project?lang=en
6. The Daily Star (2 Sept 2012), “Hallmark MD 'ready to return money'”, [Online: web]
   Accessed 2 Nov 2012: URL: http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/latest_news.php?nid=40480
7. The Daily Star (20 Nov 2012), “Study on MPs: TIB flayed at Sangsad” , [Online: web]
   Accessed 20 Nov 2012: URL: http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=258186
8. The Daily Star (2 Dec 2011), “TI's Graft Index Bangladesh betters a bit”, [Online: web]
   Accessed 12 Nov 2012: URL: http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=212570
9. Ibid

Minorities in Peril in Bangladesh

Anirban Ganguly

Associate Fellow, VIF

‘My civilisation is lost. My lifetime of worshipping has gone in vain. I am a lost man and lost I will be…Please save my future generation! Please’ cried Satyapriya Mahathero, the second senior most Buddhist monk in Bangladesh. The 83-year old Mahathero’s monastery – the Kendriyo Sima Vihar – was vandalized and the Buddha statues in it defaced and burnt in the attacks on Buddhist and Hindu temples at Ramu, Ukhia, Patia and Teknaf under Chittagong Division on 29^th and 30^th September. The venerable monk barely escaped with his life when his followers managed to whisk him away to a nearby paddy field during the attack.

According to the Delhi based Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) at least 24 temples were burnt down and dozens of Buddhists villages were attacked, leaving thousands homeless. The Ramu sub-district with 15 burnt Buddhist temples was the worst affected. Two Hindu temples – Kolegaon Nabarun Sangha Durga Mandir and the Matri Mandir in Pakia sub-district were also burnt. The 250 year old Cheranghata Barakyang Buddhist Vihara was also torched and desecrated. Eyewitness reports indicate that mobs sprinkled gun powder and petrol and torched the monasteries obstructing and thrashing monks who attempted to douse the flame.

A number of leading commentators in Bangladesh have accepted that the attacks on the minority communities are a ‘blot on the nation’s conscience’ and have termed the massacres as unprecedented. ‘Never before in our history have places of worship of a religious minority been ravaged on such a large scale and in so deliberate a manner’ commented the editor of one of the leading dailies of Bangladesh. The law enforcement agencies and their initial role as bystanders despite repeated appeals and warnings by the minority community leaders that a tense communal situation was developing has also come in for a lot of flak. The role of the officer in charge (OC) of the Ramu police station has also come under the scrutiny. On the night of the attacks the OC was seen sharing stage with the organisers of the protest rally and making provocative statements.

There seems to be no doubt that the attack was ‘premeditated, pre-planned and quite meticulously organised’. Investigative sources have revealed that the planning took place at least four days in advance and the sudden spurt in the number of attackers points to a well-laid plan. The reason for the attacks, the tagging of a photograph that was ‘insulting to the Muslims’ onto the Facebook account of a Buddhist, Uttam Kumar Barua and the rapidity with which it was electronically disseminated among the members of the majority community was itself an indication that the entire operation was a planned affair. In fact, Barua, himself unaware of the tag, immediately removed it and had to go into hiding leaving his family under police protection. It was as if a trigger was being awaited to attack the Buddhists and the Hindus in Chittagong.

The entire procedure of broadcasting the pictures through sms and blue tooth and create a situation of unrest is reminiscent of the forced exodus of people from the North-East from Bangalore in India earlier this year. The other aspect which points towards a pre-meditated attack is that most of the attackers seemed to have been outsiders who were brought to the spot overnight in buses and trucks. According to eyewitnesses the vandals were mostly aged between 14 and 22 and were being egged on by leaders from the rear. Agencies have also reported that a number of Rohingya Muslim groups also participated in the attack on the Buddhists in retaliation to attacks on them in Burma. Whether it is Azad Maidan in Mumbai, or the threats to people from the North-East in Bangalore, or Masuri in Ghaziabad or Chittagong in Bangladesh, the modus operandi of engineering communal unrest seems to be strikingly similar.

In Patiya, where the Durga temple was attacked and the idols demolished, many among the mob, police reports indicate, belonged to the Jamaat dominated workers union of the nearby Western Marine Shipyard. Locals also say that a number of leaders belonging to different political parties who were also seen in the crowd did not do anything to calm down the situation. In fact, the minorities in Bangladesh have been at the receiving end regardless of which party is in power. Things seem to only marginally improve for them whenever the Awami League (AL) is at the helm but the local party apparatchiks of the AL keep flouting the diktats of its Central leadership vis-à-vis the protection of minorities.

Chittagong remains the stronghold of the BNP and especially of the Jamaat. The CHT areas too continue to remain volatile with a major flare up and attack on the Jummas taking place on 22^nd September this year. Following a minor altercation, Bengali settlers attacked the indigenous Jummas leaving around 40 of them seriously injured. Even there the attack and the rapidity with which it spread seemed to have been planned much in advance. In the past too Chittagong, Hathzari, Cox’s Bazar and the CHT has seen a large number of radical Islamist groups operate. The Awami League government does not seem to have taken stringent steps in the past three years to curb the activities of the Jamaat and other Islamist groups in the area. The Rohingya issue has also kept alive the simmering tensions and possibilities of conflagration in the area. In areas where the Rohingyas dominate, the Buddhists have been badly threatened and have been asked to leave the country. The slogans the Rohingyas repeatedly gave on the days following the attack called for burning Buddhists temples and homes. A large number of Buddhists localities in the region have been deserted and the conditions in the refugee camps are reported to have become highly unlivable.

The minorities in Bangladesh, despite official reassurances and support from a large section of the urban intelligentsia, continue to be insecure and remain at the mercy of organised Islamist political and militant groups. The attacks and desecration at Ramu have again brought the issue to the fore and India, revered as the ‘land of the Buddha’, ought to take note of the developments and express concern. Silence on its part will only strengthen the disruptive communal forces and encourage further attacks on the minorities in Bangladesh.

Trailokyanath Chakrabarti alias Maharaj (1889-1970) the legendary leader of the Dhaka Anushilan Samiti who spent three decades in British jails fighting for Indian independence and who chose to continue living in East Pakistan after independence in 1947 was himself witness to anti-minority riots in Dhaka in 1964. The 75 year old former revolutionary had to be transported to a refugee camp in the capital for safety. From the confines of his camp Chakrabarti managed to write a letter to the Hindusthan Standard in India. Portions of his heart rending letter bears repetition under present circumstances:

“What happened this time is not rioting which can occur only between two contending parties, but one sided attack, looting and killing. One side attacks and the other side flees in fear of life. Those who have been victims of looting or have been killed ask ‘What crime have we committed since we do not dabble in politics, do not meddle with the activities of the people of the other community, do not quarrel with our neighbours, are citizens of this country, share its prosperity, sorrow or happiness, pay government taxes regularly, are loyal…then why should we be killed, why our houses should be looted and burnt…”

Nearly five decades later the situation has hardly altered – or, more accurately, has changed for the worse - and these questions continue to remain relevant. Satyapriya Mahathero too made much the same point when he said, surveying the extent of the damage done to his monastery, ‘This attack is totally out of the blue…This is an attack on my religion. I have no foes.’

The minorities of Bangladesh ask the same questions and they continue to struggle in trying to find answers.

Seize the Chance with Dhaka

Satish Chandra
Distinguished Fellow, VIF

The first India-Bangladesh Joint Consultative Commission meeting held at the minister level on May 7 and at the foreign secretary level on July 24 are a convenient inflexion point to assess the trend of ties between both countries. Regrettably, neither received the attention they deserved from the media that remains fixated on the sterile and unproductive India-Pakistan relationship.

With Sheikh Hasina’s assumption of power in January 2009, her path-breaking visit to India in February 2010, and Manmohan Singh’s visit to Bangladesh in September 2011, India-Bangladesh relations have been on an upturn. This qualitative improvement in ties is largely been due to the Awami League government’s readiness to meet India’s security concerns without seeking any quid pro quo, its secular outlook, and an openness to explore wide ranging cooperation with India. The latter deeply appreciative of Bangladesh’s positivity has reciprocated with several moves such as the accord of a $1billion credit, grant of duty free entry of Bangladeshi goods to India barring a small negative list of 25 items, provision of transit to Nepal and Bhutan, etc.

Clearly India-Bangladesh relations are in a transformative phase, the template for which is reflected in the Framework Agreement on Cooperation for Development signed by the prime ministers of the two countries in September 2011. The cooperative activities specified in this agreement extend to virtually every conceivable area ranging from economic and commercial field to security, from connectivity to management of water resources and from energy to cultural exchanges.

In order to ensure the actualisation of the aforesaid cooperative activities a Joint Consultative Commission has been set up at foreign minister level to oversee their progression. This mechanism is backed by annual consultations at the foreign secretary level and biannual consultations at the joint secretary level.

In concrete terms the following are some of the positive developments in the last several months: conclusion of the protocol on the land boundary which by creating a clearly demarcated and undisputed 4,096-km border will facilitate its policing and thereby vastly enhance national security; grant of 24-hour access to Bangladeshi nationals to Dahagram and Angarpota enclaves through Tin Bigha; opening of border haats on Bangladesh’s borders with Tripura and Meghalaya; implementation of a Coordinated Border Management Plan to control cross-border illegal activities and crimes and maintenance of peace and harmony; under the $1 billion line of credit offered to Bangladesh by India, the latter has already cleared contracts/ projects worth about $800 million. It has reduced the interest rate from 1.75 per cent to 1 per cent and converted 20 per cent of the credit into a grant; India’s trade liberalisation measures for Bangladeshi goods have already resulted in a 60 per cent increase in Bangladesh exports to India in the period July-June 2010-11 as compared to the level a year ago; an agreement has been concluded for purchase of 250 MW of power by Bangladesh from India and purchase of another 250 MW is likely. Intergrid connectivity is expected to be established between the two countries by 2013. A joint venture for setting up a 1,350 MW thermal plant in Bangladesh has also been established, and; India has assured Bangladesh that it would not take any unilateral decision on the Himalayan segment of its river linking project that may affect Bangladesh, and that a sub-group of the India-Bangladesh Joint Rivers Commission would visit Tipaimukh to go into all aspects of the hydroelectric project being set up there.

India can be faulted for having failed to deliver on two issues on which Bangladesh sets great store, due to Mamata Banerjee’s opposition, namely sharing of Teesta waters and implementation of the protocol for settlement of the land boundary. On Teesta, the agreement negotiated with Bangladesh is eminently reasonable and, in fact, had only been finalised after keeping West Bengal in the loop. It envisages an equitable sharing of the Teesta waters at the point of entry into Bangladesh after providing for about 500 cusecs of water to inter alia maintain the flow of the river. The agreement set to be signed during Manmohan Singh’s visit to Bangladesh in September 2011was postponed due to Mamata’s last minute objections. Since water is a highly emotive issue in Bangladesh our reneging in this matter took the sheen of Manmohan Singh’s visit and exposed Sheikh Hasina to severe criticism at home. As the Bangladesh foreign minister pointed out whilst recently in India, relations between the two countries “will take a huge hit” if India does not deliver on Teesta. In practical terms, this has induced Bangladesh to go slow on several connectivity-related issues that are of great importance to us.

The Protocol on the Land Boundary Agreement so meticulously negotiated, after taking into account the wishes of the affected peoples, will result in a fixed demarcated boundary, entail the exchange of 111 Indian enclaves in Bangladesh with an area of 17,160 acres and 51 Bangladeshi enclaves in India with an area of 7,110 acres, and retention by each country of the areas held by it in adverse possession. (2,777 acres by India and 2,267 by Bangladesh). Implementation of the protocol apart from being in the mutual security interest and helping promote a harmonious environment on the borders, will enable the local residents for the first time to enjoy full legal rights as citizens of India or Bangladesh with proper civic facilities. It is no surprise, therefore, that these people are pressing for urgent implementation of the protocol. Arguments to the effect that as a result of the protocol India would lose more land or that it would cause a major influx of people into the country are untenable. For one thing, the amount of land and people involved is paltry, particularly as compared to the benefits accruing from the proposed settlement. Moreover, transfer of land is only notional as neither country exercised effective control on its enclaves in the other country. Movement of people will also be negligible as most will stay where they are and assume the nationality of the country where they reside.

In order to fast track the improvement in India-Bangladesh ties and, indeed, make it irreversible, the government must urgently override Mamata’s irrational objections to the settlement of the Teesta and boundary issues. Speedy delivery by us on these two issues will also help in consolidating the Awami League’s position that would obviously be in our interest, particularly given the inimical bias of the BNP and Jamaat against India.