Hyderabad is bloodied again by terrorism, exposing once more our
failure to marshal the political will, the legal instruments, the
organizational structure and the required technical skills and manpower
resources to combat this grave threat to the nation.
Admittedly, combating terrorism is extraordinarily difficult because a
few individuals armed with rage, rudimentary bomb making techniques and
the most ordinary means of “delivery” like tiffin boxes and bicycles
can cause mayhem in crowded localities in our overpopulated and
disorganized cities when they choose.
More importantly, terrorism has a vast international dimension
outside not only India’s control but also of countries more powerful,
resourceful and determined to fight terrorism than us. At its centre is
the sense of grievance nourished in Islamic circles against the enemies
of Islam and the moral legitimacy accorded by religious texts as
interpreted by them to the act of killing innocent people haphazardly as
redressal.
Contrast
While it would be unrealistic to expect the government to provide
total protection to the public against any possible terrorist attack,
the people can legitimately expect credible and comprehensive steps to
secure their lives against such deadly violence, without being
necessarily able to emulate the US success in this regard. The US is
oceans away from the epicenter of terror; its neighbours cooperate fully
to shield North America from terrorism; by drawing its frontline
against terrorism thousands of miles away from its shores the US has
given itself vast protective geographical depth.
India has no such cushions. Our neighbour has used terrorism as a
weapon against us for almost 30 years now. Having long judged our weak
response, Pakistan can fine tune the timing, periodicity and degree of
its provocations to suit its political needs. It knows that deniability
is important to create space for doubt about its culpability so that an
immediate Indian riposte is deflected and the risk of being declared a
terrorist state is avoided. For that it has raised jihadi groups to
attack India, whose violence is then politically justified as being
driven by the unresolved Kashmir question. As international scrutiny of
its terrorist links grows, Pakistan has also outsourced terrorism to
extremist groups in India by mobilizing them through pan-Islamist
ideologies on the back of local grievances.
Pakistan also has a class of politicians, diplomats and members of
civil society that come across as educated, modern, articulate and
rational and they counter with finesse accusations that it is promoting
terrorism. The rise of domestic terrorism, although an offshoot of the
complicity of state organizations with jihadi groups, gives them an
added argument to deny Pakistan’s terrorist affiliations.
Additionally, the rampant belief in conspiracy theories in Pakistan
about the West, Israel and India conniving at slandering Islam creates a
sense of victimhood, precluding self-introspection about its own
failings as a society. In this narrative, Islam is the embodiment of
peace and justice and terrorism is alien to it. If Islamic groups commit
acts of terrorism, it is because of manipulation by hidden hands. The
other defence is that either those guilty are not true Muslims, or that
the entire community should not be tarnished because of the misdeeds of a
few with no proper understanding of Islamic tenets. This explains the
widespread belief that the 9/11 attacks against America was a Jewish
conspiracy. The remarks in Delhi by Pakistan’s interior minister
alleging an external hand behind the 2008 Mumbai attacks is part of this
syndrome.
Pakistan
Iran and North Korea are castigated for terrorism, as was Libya
earlier, even if what is attributed to them has no parallel in scale and
scope to Pakistan’s involvement with such activity. Pakistan is spared
the same ignominy because its relationship with the West is not one of
unalloyed hostility. Its attitude to western demands, even on terrorism,
is both compliant and defiant. In any case, a non-Nato US ally,
receiving substantial American arms and economic assistance and
geopolitically vital for extricating the US from Afghanistan, can hardly
be declared a terrorist state. This western ambivalence towards
Pakistan severely limits the extent to which India can bilaterally and
multilaterally make Pakistan more accountable for its terrorist
misdeeds. A nuclearized Pakistan makes the problem even more complex to
handle.
India’s democratic system, its openness, its internal watchdogs such
as the independent judiciary and the press, the accountability of the
instruments of force in the hands of the executive in a constitutional
system, do not allow India to use the instrument of terrorism against
Pakistan as a deterrent.
Mistakes
While all these difficulties and handicaps are understandable, what
is not is the absence of a coherent national strategy to combat
terrorism despite repeated assaults. We have made matters worse for
ourselves by diluting the centrality of terrorism in our dialogue with
Pakistan; we have accorded Pakistan the status of a terrorism stricken
state just like us; we have lowered the heat on Pakistan by conceding
the amplitude of our problem of home grown terrorism; we have weakened
our position by equating a few isolated terrorist attacks by Hindus with
scores of such attacks over two decades by jihadi groups; further harm
has been done by the Home Minister accusing the main opposition party of
training Hindu terrorists; we have politicized the terrorism issue for
electoral reasons so much that any corrective action will be interpreted
with political bias; the disproportionate sympathy in sections of our
intelligentsia for Afzal Guru shows the soft belly of any potential
resolve to combat terrorism without quarter.
No wonder that all we can do when a terrorist attack occurs is to
call it “dastardly” and vow that the “perpetrators” will not go
unpunished, and repeat the same clichés when innocent Indian citizens
are bloodied again by jihadi groups.
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