The highly provocative, extremely offensive, and utterly
reprehensible resolution passed by the National Assembly of Pakistan
condemning Indian ‘state sponsored brutalities’ and demanding the
handing over the body of executed terrorist Afzal Guru to his family,
allowing people to freely practise their religion (this coming from a
state where an open season has been declared on Shias, Hindu girls are
abducted and forcibly converted and Christians are subjected to the
worst sort of Islamofascism), pulling out of security forces from
Kashmir and repealing all ‘black laws’ in the Indian state, release of
all ‘political prisoners’, implementation of the UN Security Council
resolutions, and promising political, moral and diplomatic support to
the Kashmiris, has predictably enough raised the hackles in India.
While on the one hand the resolution has given an indication of the
direction in which things are likely to move as far as Pakistan's export
of terrorism in Kashmir is concerned, on the other hand it has exposed
all the manufactured bonhomie and double-talk being indulged by the
Pakistani politicians who tried to beguile Indian policy makers into
believing that there was a political consensus in Pakistan in favour of
normalisation of relations with India. Since around 1997, India has been
sold the nonsense that neither Kashmir nor India is any longer an issue
in Pakistani elections. The real reason why India and Kashmir didn’t
figure as an election issue was that there was a broad based political
consensus in Pakistan in favour of exporting jihad and delivering a
‘death by a thousand cuts’ to India. Since no one opposed this policy
there was no gain to be made by raking this issue at the hustings.
Over the last few years, however, an impression had gained ground
that the political consensus inside Pakistan in favour of export of
jihad was breaking down. Not surprisingly, some political players
smelled an opportunity to agitate on this issue to increase their vote
bank. But the moment one player tries to exploit this issue, all others
start falling over each other to swear their commitment to snatching
Kashmir from India. The unanimous passage of this resolution bears out
that no one in Pakistan is willing to question, much less stand up
against, the Jihadist policy of the State. What this does to the policy
of appeasement towards Pakistan being followed by the Manmohan Singh
government and to the expressed desire of the Indian Prime Minister who
had declared that he would think he had done his job well if he managed
to normalise relations with Pakistan can well be imagined.
Apologists for Pakistan in India will of course argue that too much
should not be read into this resolution which has been made for purely
political reasons by legislators who are about to go in for fresh
elections. After all, notwithstanding all the hyperbole of this National
Assembly having made the ‘historic achievement’ of completing it term,
the fact remains that in many ways it was an effete and powerless
collection of people whose resolutions were not worth the paper they
were written on because these resolutions were observed more in their
violation. What is more, these ‘elected representatives’ of the people
of Pakistan are perhaps the meekest and weakest part of the Pakistani
state and are treated with contempt by the overbearing judiciary,
meddling military and self-righteous media. And yet, this is a
resolution that cannot and should not be ignored, both because it
reflects the unremitting hostility towards India of the political class
in Pakistan, as well as for what this resolution portends in terms of
another upsurge in export of jihadi terrorism to India.
To the extent that this resolution is a mea culpa on part of the
Pakistani state for its involvement in the dastardly attack on the
Indian Parliament, it needs to be welcomed. Pakistan, it seems, has
finally officially taken ownership of Afzal Guru and his terrorist
action and accepted that he was a Pakistani agent working at the behest
of his Pakistani masters to attack the Indian Parliament. The resolution
is a tacit acknowledgement of Guru’s links with the Jaish-e-Mohammed,
one of the terrorist outfits involved in the Parliament attack. The
mover of the resolution, Maulana Fazlur Rehman (better known as Maulana
Diesel for his involvement in Diesel smuggling) is a Deobandi cleric who
shares fraternal links with Deobandi terror groups like the JeM,
Harkatul Mujahideen, Sipah-e-Sahaba, not to mention the Tehrik-e-Taliban
Pakistan (TTP). Rehman also happens to be the Chairman of the Kashmir
Committee of the Pakistani Parliament, which is basically an
organisation for providing foreign junkets to Pakistani politicians at
the expense of the bankrupt government of Pakistan.
The Maulana, who also happens to be leading an effort to effect a
rapprochement between the Pakistani authorities and the TTP, probably
intends to use this resolution not only to cement his credentials as a
dyed-in-wool jihadist who stands firm on the so-called ‘Kashmir cause’,
but also to appease terror groups like TTP which have been threatening
retaliation against India for the hanging of Ajmal Kasab and Afzal Guru.
The same Maulana had in 2001-02 issued a fatwa calling for the murder
of Americans and the notoriety as well as popularity he gained
catapulted him to the position of Leader of Opposition (he was actually
more of a lap dog of the Pakistani military dictator Pervez Musharraf)
in the National Assembly that came into existence after the 2002
elections. The Maulana’s party, Jamiat Ulema Islam (JUI-F) also formed
governments in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, which
were used to promote Talibanisation in both these provinces.
Perhaps, a similar game is once again being played by Maulana Fazlur
Rehman, only this time it isn’t the US but India which is being
targeted. In the process, the Maulana, who has been a frequent visitor
to India where he has tried to convince his Indian interlocutors of his
bonafides and his intense and sincere desire to play a role in improving
Indo-Pak relations, has more or less burnt his bridges with India. He
is unlikely to be welcome anymore in this country. He has only proved
his detractors, who pointed to the undesirable company he kept and his
links with extremist and terrorist groups, right. For the sake of
playing to the gallery back home in the hope of winning some brownie
points and perhaps a few extra votes, he has effectively become a
persona non grata in India.
But if people like Fazlur Rehman are becoming an anathema for India,
their acceptability is growing among the Americans. If anything, the
Americans seem to have given a free hand to Pakistani Islamists as part
of their plan to exit from the region. Just recently, the US Ambassador
to Islamabad held a meeting with Maulana Fazlur Rehman. Subsequently,
the US envoy told the Pakistani media that the situation in Terror
Central (North Waziristan) was something that Pakistan had to sort out
domestically, thereby indicating that the US was willing to turn a blind
eye to a terrorist safe haven in return for Maulana Fazlur Rehman using
his influence and contacts to push forward with the ‘reconciliation
process’ in Afghanistan. Worse, with two utterly clueless apologists for
Pakistan now at the helm of affairs at the State Department and
Pentagon, the US policy on Islamist terrorism is likely to undergo a
major transformation with appeasement of Pakistan and turning a blind
eye to its use of terrorism as an instrument of state policy becoming
the order of the day as a quid pro quo for safe passage out of
Afghanistan for Western troops. The result is an emboldening of
Pakistan, and its natural corollary is the political and military
adventurism that is being seen on Kashmir and the recent acts of
terrorism in other parts of India.
India cannot afford to let this challenge to go unanswered. Not only
does India need to disabuse the Pakistanis and the Americans of the
notion that they can trifle with India for their own ends, but more
importantly, the political class in India, especially the Manmohanistas
need to disabuse themselves of the notion that Pakistan is genuinely
interested in normalisation of relations with India. Instead of
formulating policy on the basis of the sweet-talk coming from Pakistani
politicians who neither control any wing of the ISI nor command a single
division of the Pakistan army (comprising of jihadis, some in uniform,
others in mufti), India would be better served by seeing action on the
ground by the Pakistanis to prove their bonafides. The unanimous
resolution passed by the Lok Sabha is the first right step in this
direction. This needs to be followed up by setting metrics on the basis
of which Pakistan’s intentions will be judged. Equally important, India
needs to stop giving the unnecessary and unwarranted importance to the
mythical Pakistani civil society which is nothing more than a powerless,
if also vocal, fringe group comprising around 500 (and if you want to
be very charitable, 5000) people. Most of all, India needs to stop
depending on the US for pulling its chestnuts out of the fire. The US
will do what is in its interest and if this means sacrificing India’s
interests, then so be it. India, therefore, needs to prepare itself for
the coming wave of terrorism and develop capabilities to counter this
scourge as well as pay back the adversary in more than equal measure.
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