Showing posts with label Rajendra Prasad. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Rajendra Prasad. Show all posts

Thursday, July 26, 2012

Religion Based Reservation is Anti-Constitution - II


Prof. Makkhan Lal
Senior Fellow, VIF

Among the political parties, who treat Muslims as a vote-bank, the clamour for the reservations for Muslims is increasing every day. Every time elections, be it of a State Assembly or the Parliament, approach the pitch for reservation for Muslims increases. Recently held Assembly election in Uttar Pradesh which has sizable presence of Muslims population, is an example. Various political parties promised from 9% reservations 18% reservations for the Muslims in Government jobs and educational institutions. It is ironical that Prime Minister of India should declare from the Rampart of the Lal Qila on 15th August 2007 that “Muslims have the first right on the resources of the country.” This is the mental makeup of the Prime Minister and the largest political party which claims the legacy of the Freedom movement, then what can be said about smaller leaders and the parties. The Congress leaders, freedom fighters, the Constituent Assembly and Jawaharlal Nehru had given enough thought on the issue and felt that reservation of any kind will be detrimental for the development of the nation and a cohesive society.

These leaders often quote Justice Ranganath Mishra Commission and Justice Sachar Committee Reports for such reservations for Muslims. This is despite the fact that Muslims are enjoying the benefits of reservation having been included in various states lists for the OBC/BC/SC and ST; despite the fact that Islam or Christianity denies existence of caste system within its fold.

Several times in the past separate reservations enacted in the name of religious denominations have been struck down by courts and the latest is the judgement delivered by Andhra Pradesh High Court declaring 4.5% sub-quota for the Muslims within 27% quota for the OBCs as unconstitutional. Predictably, the Central Government appealed for a stay of Andhra Pradesh High Court’s judgement. After hearing the matter argued by the Attorney General of India the Hon’ble Supreme Court declined to stay Andhra Pradesh High Court’s judgement and indeed made indicting comments on the Government that there is no rationale and justification for 4.5% sub-reservation for the Muslims within the 27% quota for the OBCs. . The Supreme Court criticized the government for the way it had handled the "complex" and "sensitive" issue. The apex court had also expressed its "unhappiness" that the Centre was blaming the High Court when it had itself failed to produce documents to support its case.

Justice Ranganath Mishra Commission

A ‘National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities’ was set up by the Government of India in October 2004 under the Chairmanship of Justice Ranganath Mishra t. Other members were Prof. Tahir Mahmood (Muslim), Dr. Anil Wilson (Christian), Dr. Mohinder Singh (Sikh) and Mrs. Asha Das (SC and a former IAS officer) as Member Secretary. The Commission submitted its report in May 2007.

The terms of reference of the Commission were:

1. To suggest criteria for identification of socially and economically backward sections among religious and linguistic minorities;

2. To recommend measures for welfare of socially and economically backward sections and among religious and linguistic minorities, including reservation in education and government employment; and

3.  To suggest necessary constitutional, legal and administrative modalities required for the implementation of its recommendations.
However, subsequently following point was also added to the above terms of reference:

“To give its recommendations on the issues raised in writ petitions 189/04 and 94/05 filed in Supreme Court and in certain High Courts, relating to para 3 of the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order 1950 in the context of ceiling of 50 per cent on reservations as also the modalities of inclusion in the list of scheduled Castes.”

The Commission lists following communities as recognized minorities: Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains and Parsi. Accepting the Hon’ble Supreme Court Judgement in TMA Pai Foundations and others Vs State of Karnataka and others the Commission says that “for the purpose of Article 30 a minority, whether linguistic or religious, is determinable with reference to a state and not by taking into consideration the population of the country as a whole.”

The Commission took the trouble of going through the economic, education and employment opportunities for all the people of India on the basis of religious denominations and to its dismay it found that by-and-large no substantial gaps exists among the various communities/religious groups – be it Hindus, Muslims or Christians. They are all suffering same level of disadvantages or having almost the same level of opportunities. In fact, in many aspects minorities and especially Muslims and Christians are doing much better. After discussing various issues like education, poverty, employment opportunities, caste and social status, and the various measures undertaken for the upliftment of disadvantaged groups, the Commission expresses it complete disillusionment with the existing system of reservation. It concluded as follows:

1. The inclusion of an entire caste, tribe or class in the list, is contrary to the principle of social justice. No 'caste’, or class or tribe suffer from social, economic and educational deprivations as a whole. Class or caste or tribe as a criterion identifying the socio-economic backward has become totally irrelevant. The only option is to identify families that are socially and economically backward and devise criteria that are implementable. (Chapter 6, para 40),

2.  The lack of a system to regularly assess the impact on castes, tribes or classes enlisted of schemes and programme under implementation, to exclude categories either wrongly included in the list or no longer being eligible, has further complicated the situation. Non-exclusion of the ineligible has marginalised the poorest and most backward amongst various categories including the minorities. (Chapter 6, Para 41)

3. Religion or castes do not determine 'socio-economic backwardness. Poverty is not religion or caste based and the socially, economically backward should be identified on uniformity applicable criterion throughout the country irrespective of caste, creed / religion affirmatives’. (Chapter 6, Para 42)

4. The poorest of the poor families should get opportunities for advancement. Those falling in the creamy layer category should be excluded from the lists of backwards. Family-wise data should be collected and treated as valid for at least ten years and renewed periodically. Benefits of reservations should be made time-bound and for one generation only. (Chapter 6, Para 45 to 49)

5. All lists (SC/ST/OBC) have been prepared without any scientific basis (no data base as no surveys were undertaken). (Chapter 6, para 65)

6. Since BPL (below poverty line) lists are prepared on the basis of social/educational and economic criteria, they are more scientific. They are also revised periodically. BPL lists should, therefore, be made eligible for grant of reservation without distinction on caste, class, groups or religion basis.” (Chapter 10, Para13)

However, all good intension end here. When it came for suggesting concrete steps for a fair reservation system Commission not only failed in recommending any such measure but also to make the matter worse it jumped into the same rotten system, for the inclusion of Minorities also in the categories of OBC/BC/SC/ST. The recommendations read like a charter of demands on behalf of Muslims rather than a Commission’s report on all religious and linguistic minorities of India which also include Christians, Buddhists, Sikhs, and Zoroastrians and so on. It says:

“We recommend that in the matter of criteria for identifying backward classes there should be absolutely no discrimination whatsoever between the majority community and the minorities; and, therefore, the criteria now applied for this purpose to the majority community whatever that criteria may be - must be unreservedly applied also to all the minorities…. “To be more specific we recommend that all those social and vocational groups among the minorities who but for their religious identity would have been covered by the present net of Scheduled Castes should be unquestionably treated as socially backward, irrespective of whether the religion of those other communities recognises the caste system or not…. that the caste system should be recognised as a general social characteristic of the Indian society as a whole, without questioning whether the philosophy and teachings of any particular religion recognise it or not… (Chapter 10, Paras 5-16)

Unbelievable, as it may sound, the Commission Members totally forgot that reservations for SC/ST come into force because of the peculiar social-system and religious practices of Hindu society. They forget that it is this cast system for which Hindu society is constantly berated at political, intellectual, social, religious and academic platforms. Can the Islam and Christianity accept that in their social and religious practices they are same as their fellow Hindus? Are they willing to accept that caste system exists in the Islam and Christianity as a part of religious and social tenets?

The Member-Secretary very rightly questioned the wisdom of the Commission regarding the existence of caste system in the Islam and Christianity and submitted a 13 pages Note of Dissent. The Commission had no cogent reply to this note of dissent.

Sachar Committee Report

Justice Ranganath Mishra Commission report perhaps fell short of Government’s expectations, at least from the point of view of enhancing Muslims’ tilt toward the Congress. The Government of the day started looking for some other avenues for catering to the Muslims alone. Justice Rajinder Sachar Committee, appointed on 9th March 2005, filled this space. What was missing in the report of Mishra Commision, Sachar Committee compensated that in ample – reservation in the legislature and elected/political bodies.

Sachar Committee was ostensibly appointed by the UPA Government to look into the matters concerning “Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community”. The subject matter itself shows as if the social, economic and educational problems in the other communities and among the followers of other religions in India do not exist. If that is not the case, then it can be safely said that even if the social, economic and educational problems do exist in other communities and amongst the followers of other religions in India, they do not merit any attention because they do not form a vote-bank or they do not form a “very strong, well knit and well-organized minority… that could force the partition of the country.”1 Be it as it may.

However, while going through Sachar Committee report, one can see that it is not only full of inaccurate data but also in many areas it dwells in the realm of fantasy. A large number of problems and deprivations that are being faced by most of the Indians, irrespective of caste, creed and religion, have been presented as those of Muslims’ alone. Many of the problems discussed in the report have nothing to do with the polity, government and the economic condition. They emanate directly from the social customs and the religious beliefs. It is impossible to believe that Justice Sachar and his learned colleagues are unaware of this aspect of the problem. They have simply ignored it. The entire report reads like compilation of reasonable and unreasonable complaints, grievances and demands of Muslims since independence.

One can reasonably expect that many people will continue to discuss various aspects of this report for sometimes to come. Our purpose is limited; only to discuss the insinuating statement concerning the ‘political participation of the Muslims’ and the recommendations that the report has made in the matter. The notification of the Government of India certainly had not mandated the Committee to go into political matters. But it still has gone into it. What is most shocking is that it has suggested the very same remedy which was based on two-nation theory that finally led to the unprecedented human miseries, both for the Hindus and Muslims, and partition of the country. The Committee has recommended reservations in the legislature and in the other elected bodies besides having reservations in the services, educational institutions and public and private sectors.

These recommendations though discussed and contained in just two paragraphs of the report, become significant in the light of explanations given by Abusaleh Shariff, Member Secretary in the Sachar Committee. Mr. Shariff writes:

“It is a cruel irony that the development process by passed in particular Muslims who stayed back in India after the partition – those from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal.

The root cause of this neglect is lack of political empowerment. While the Constitution and the democratic framework allowed Muslims to maintain their identity and profess their faith, their representation in political system has suffered. This impacted their participation in governance.”

After this the Mr. Shariff talks about the population ratio in terms of Muslims belonging to the OBC, SC and ST categories. This is nothing less than a revelation that among the Muslims there exists caste system which discriminated them socially within the realm of Islam. Mr. Shariff now gives the solution of the problem:

“However, problems of Muslim deprivation cannot be addressed adequately through extension and implementation of reservations alone. OBC reservations apply only to public employment and now at higher levels of education. With the report detailing the nature of discrimination against Muslim, the challenge before Government, political class, private sector and civil society is to create institutional mechanism t ensure the delivery of essential public goods.

“To begin with, Muslims should be represented in political bodies, policy-making agencies, administration and law-enforcement agencies in relation to their share in the population.”

Reservation and the Constituent Assembly

The question of reservation in the services and in the elected bodies for the religious minorities was considered and discussed in detail by the Constituent Assembly. It constituted an Advisory Committee of 43 eminent political and religious leaders and social workers. The Committee was headed by was Shri S.C. Mookerjee, a Christian. Some of the Members were Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Khan Abdul Samad Khan, Hifzur Rehman, Syed Ali Zaheer, Abdul Quiyum Ansari, Chaudhari Khaliquzzam, Saiyid Jafar Imam, Haji Abdul Sathar, Haji Isaq Seth. Jawaharlal Nehru, and Sardar Patel, Rajendra Prasad and B.R. Ambedakar (for the speeches of some of the leaders see earlier article on reservation on VIF web site - Reservation Based on Religion is Anti-Constitution).

However, the recommendations of the Advisory Committee were taken up for the discussion in the Constituent Assembly on 27 and 28 August 1948 and then again for two days, 25 and 26 May 1949. While submitting its recommendations to the Constituent Assembly the Committee reported:

“The Committee considering the whole situation came to the conclusion that the time has come, when the vast majority of the minority communities have themselves realised after great reflection the evil effects in the past of such reservation on the minorities themselves, that the reservations should be dropped.”

The recommendations as adopted by the Assembly were included in the Draft Constitution. In nutshell the committee recommended that:

“It was no longer appropriate in the context of free India and of present conditions that there should be reservation of seats for Muslims, Christians, Sikhs or any other religious minority. Although the abolition of separate electorates had removed much of the poison from the body politic, the reservation of seats for religious communities, it was felt, did lead to a certain degree of separatism and was to that extent contrary to the conception of secular democratic State."

On the issue of reservation in public services it was recommended that there shall be no reservation in the public services and competitive services except for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

The Constituent Assembly debates (Vol. V) on the issue of religion based reservation is an eye opener. Most of the Muslim leaders like Z.H. Lari, Naziruddin Ahmad, Begum Aizaz Rasul, Muhammad Ismail Khan, Tajmul Hussain, Maulan Hasrat Mohani, and Col. B.H. Zaidi, who spoke on the occasion said in one voice that reservation on the basis of religion has been responsible for the division of country and is certainly an evil. They opposed any kind of reservation for Muslims just because they happen to be Muslims and have been enjoying reservation since 1906.

Jawaharlal Nehru speaking on 26th May 1949 in the Constituent Assembly on the issue of reservation based on religion said:

“Where you are up against a full- blooded democracy, if you seek to give safeguards to minority, and a relatively small minority, you isolate it. May be you protect it to a slight extent, but at what cost? At the cost of isolating it and keeping it away from the main current in which the majority is going, – I am talking on the political plane of course – at the cost of forfeiting that inner sympathy and fellow-feeling with the majority. … It is a bad thing for any small group or minority to make it appear to the world and to the majority that "we wish to keep apart from you, that we do not trust you, that we look to ourselves and that therefore we want safeguards and other things". The result is that they may get one anna in the rupee of protection at the cost of the remaining fifteen annas.”

Later, on the issue of any kind of reservations in general Jawaharlal Nehru wrote to all the Chief Ministers on 27 June 1961:

“I have referred above to efficiency and to our getting out of our traditional ruts. This necessitates our getting out of the old habits of reservations and particular privileges being given to this caste or that group. The recent meeting we held here, at which the Chief Ministers were present, to consider national integration, laid down that help should be given on economic considerations and not on caste. It is true that we are tied up with certain rules and conventions about helping the scheduled castes and tribes. They deserve help but, even so I dislike any kind of reservation, more particularly in Services. I react strongly against anything which leads to inefficiency and second-rate standards. I want my country to be a first class country in everything. The moment we encourage the second-rate, we are lost.

“The only real way to help a backward group is to give opportunities of good education; this includes technical education which is becoming more and more important. Everything else is provision of some kind of crutches which do not add to the strength or health of the body. We have made recently two decisions which are very important: one is, universal free elementary education, that is the base; and the second is scholarships on a very wide scale at every grade of education to the bright boys and girls, and this applies not merely to the literary education, but, much more so, to technical, scientific and medical training. I lay stress on the bright and able boys and girls because it is only they who will raise our standards. I have no doubt that there is a vast reservoir of potential talent in this country if only we can give it opportunity.

“But if we go in for reservations on communal and caste basis, we swamp the bright and able people and remain second-rate or third-rate. I am grieved to learn how far this business of reservation has gone based on communal considerations. It has amazed me to learn that even promotions are based some times on communal or caste considerations. This way lays not only folly, but disaster. Let us help the backward groups by all means, but never at the cost of efficiency. How are we going to build the public sector or indeed any sector with second rate-people?”


Friday, May 11, 2012

What Sort of President Should India Have?



Dr. M.N. Buch
Visiting Fellow, VIF

The exercise of selecting a candidate for the post of President which is due to fall vacant in the middle of the year has begun in right earnest, with the Congress wanting either Hamid Ansari or Pranab Mukherji as a candidate acceptable to its allies and the BJP rejecting both names and statingthat it will support Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, provided the Samajwati Party suggests his candidature. There is also a demand for a non-political President and, therefore, several names, including of Shri N.R. Narayana Murthy, have been put forward.

Is the post of President apolitical? Unlike a Governor who under Article 155 is appointed by the President and under Article 156 holds office for five years, but subject to the President’s pleasure, the President is elected. Under Article 54 the electorate of the President consists of an electoral college comprising the elected members of both the Houses of Parliament and the elected members of the Legislative Assemblies of the States. Article 55 gives the formula according to which each member of a State Legislative Assembly and of the two Houses of Parliament is assigned a given number of votes depending on the population of States in the case of the Assemblies and, in the case of Parliament, as a fraction of the total number of votes assigned to each member of the State Legislative Assemblies. One need not go into the details of the formula, but despite the fact that the election is indirect, the President holds an elective office and his election is obviously determined by the relevant strength of the political parties in the State Assemblies and in Parliament. There is nothing to prevent the electoral college from electing a non-political or apolitical person, but the fact still remains that it is political equations in Parliament and the State Legislative Assemblies which will determine who would be President. Under these circumstances, unless the political equations are such that no candidate can hope to win a majority of votes except through a complicated process of preference votes, the President is likely to be a political figure. One should not be afraid of this fact because democracy means politics and the President is a democratic head of State.

Having stated that one would still like the President to be mature, educated, experienced, with some knowledge of statecraft and the capacity to understand the finer points of the Constitution and the law. Undoubtedly under Article 75 of the Constitution the President is required to act in accordance with the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers, which means that though the executive power of the Union vests in him it will be exercised strictly in accordance with the advice given to him by his Council of Ministers. Independently he is not required to take executive decisions. A comparison is always made with the British Sovereign, who is required to reign but not rule. In Britain the Constitution is unwritten, conventions are time tested and tantamount to constitutional provisions but Parliament is supreme and right from the time of the Magna Carta the supremacy of Parliament and the largely ceremonial role of the Sovereign have been emphasised. Despite this it is well understood that the Sovereign is required to give sane advice to the Prime Minister and the government and where the Sovereign feels that government is acting against the mandate given to it by the people or is acting in violation of the unwritten Constitution, he should gently nudge the Prime Minister in order to push him back on the right track. This relationship is informal, unwritten and yet understood by all,

The Indian Constitution is written and apart from amendment though Acts of Parliament, it is subject to interpretation by the courts. That is why in the Keshvanand Bharti case the Supreme Court prescribed the basic features of the Constitution which Parliament was not empowered to amend and thereby the Supreme Court circumscribed the powers of Parliament to amend the Constitution. That judgement stands and will do so unless the Supreme Court changes its order because if Parliament tries to overturn the judgement by law the Supreme Court will strike it down as being ultra vires. There are no such restrictions on the British Parliament. The Indian President is also required to reign rather than rule. However, under Article 60 of the Constitution the President is required to subscribe an oath or affirmation in the following form “I AB do hereby swear in the name of God /solemnly affirm that I will faithfully execute the office of President (or discharge the functions of the President) of India and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution and the law and that I will devote myself to the service and welfare of the people of India”. If the President is required to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution, then he must have the ability to recognise the circumstances under which the Constitution is under threat. Normally the Council of Ministers would advise him of such threat and would further advise him whether action needs to be taken under Part XVIII of the Constitution, the Emergency Provisions.

Whether it is a proclamation of Emergency under Article 355, proclamation of a Financial Emergency under Article 356 or a proclamation under Article 356 taking over any or all the functions of a State by the President, he is required to act in accordance with the advice given to him by the Council of Ministers. However, the Constitution does not say the he should do so without question. In fact the proviso to Article 74 (1) categorically authorises the President to require the Council of Ministers to reconsider the advice rendered by it. When a proclamation under Article 356 was suggested by the Council of Ministers with regard to Bihar the President, A.P.J. Abdul Kalam did use these powers to ask the Council to reconsider its advice. Of course when the Council reiterated its recommendations the President acted accordingly. However, the fact that the President has the power to return the Council’s advice for reconsideration means that he is not a rubber stamp. In the case of legislation every Financial Bill can only be moved in Parliament on the recommendations of the President under Article 117, though this recommendation will be based on the advice rendered by the Council of Ministers. The President does have the right to ask the Council to reconsider its advice. In the matter of assent to Bills under Article 111 the President can withhold his assent and he may return the Bill to Parliament for reconsideration, together with a message in this behalf. If Parliament again passes the Bill with or without the amendment suggested by the President, then he is constitutionally bound to give his assent. President Zail Singh in the matter of the Postal Bill concluded that the Constitution of India, unlike the American Constitution, does not have a time limit for giving the assent or returning the Bill and by neither giving his assent nor returning the Bill he sat on it long enough for the House to dissolve after its normal tenure and the Bill to lapse. Whether this practice is desirable or not, as the Constitution stands today it is valid in law and unfortunately there are many Governors of States who either on their own or, as is largely the case, on a signal from the Central Government, have been using these tactics for indefinitely delaying enactment of a law. The ability of the President to understand the nuances of the Constitution, coupled with a consciousness about his duty to help the elected government to enact legislation, is not only desirable but should be a mandatory quality in any person elected as President.

There are issues in which the President does have discretionary powers. Article 124 (2) of the Constitution states, “ A Judge of the Supreme Court shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal after consultation with such of the Judges of the Supreme Court and of the High Courts in the States as the President may deem necessary for the purpose and shall hold office until he attains the age of sixty-five years: provided that in the case of appointment of a Judge other than the Chief Justice, the Chief Justice of India shall always be consulted ”. The Supreme Court through its pronouncements and by practice has created a collegium of judges which makes recommendations to the President (effectively to government) about the appointment of Judges. However, the Constitution gives freedom to the President to consult any Judge of the Supreme Court or a High Court. Does President in this case mean the Council of Ministers? Will the Council of Ministers decide which judges may give it advice? Or is it only the Chief Justice of India who will determine whom the President (for President read government) will consult? If the President decides that he will use powers vested in him under Article 124 to consult judges other than the members of the collegium, will he be acting according to the Constitution as provided in Article 124 or contrary to the Constitution as provided in Article 74? This issue has not been satisfactory resolved and the Judicial Accountability Bill cannot even address this issue because the Constitution under Article 124 (2)(b) and 124 (4) and (5) provides for enacting a law governing removal of a Judge and, therefore, the proposed National Judicial Commission can only address this issue. Constitutionally it is debarred from having a say in the appointment of a Judge.

Let us take an extreme case where the Council of Ministers advises the President to do something which is palpably unconstitutional. Suppose contrary to the judgement of the Supreme Court in the Keshavanand Bharti case the Council of Ministers advises the President to give his assent to a Bill setting aside this order of the Supreme Court. Under Article 141 the law declared by the Supreme Court is binding. The judgement in the Keshavanand Bharti case is, therefore, binding. Is the President bound to accept the advice of the Council of Ministers in such a case, or is he to go back to his oath of office and hold that by accepting this advice he would not be true to his solemn oath to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution? Can the Council of Minister advise the President to ignore the judgements of courts in other matters and allow the executive to flout such judgements?

There is one matter in which the discretion of the President cannot be questioned and that is in the appointment of the Prime Minister under Article 75 (1). At the time a Prime Minister is appointed there is no Council of Ministers to aid and advise the President. Of course in deciding to invite a person to be Prime Minister the President has the bear in mind that under Article 75 (3) the Council of Ministers is collectively responsible to the House of the People and, therefore, it would be a foolish President who invites a person to be Prime Minister who does not enjoy the confidence of the House. But a situation cannot be ruled out, at least hypothetically, that the President appoints the Prime Minister who does not command a majority, summons the House and immediately prorogues it, thus ruling out an immediate vote of no confidence or confidence. The House need not be summoned for the next five months and twenty-nine days because under Article 85 more than six months should not intervene between two sessions of Parliament. In these five months and twenty-nine days a Prime Minister who does not enjoy majority support can use the authority of government to subvert, suborn, purchase or otherwise influence those Members of Parliament who oppose him and by the time Parliament is summoned again, he may garner some sort of a majority. This is legally possible but morally and democratically reprehensible. Unfortunately the record of the Indian Parliament and the State Legislatures indicates that such tactics are used and are becoming increasingly in vogue. I mention this because a President is capable of mischief if he is so inclined. The fact that this would destroy the essence of democracy would probably be lost on a person bent on mischief.

This point is emphasised because we have to be very careful in ensuring that a mischievous person does not become our President. In the process of election it is undoubtedly politics which determines who will be elected, but assuming that our politicians are or should be responsible representatives of the people, one can expect them to behave in a responsible manner and if they do not do so today, they would do so in the future in the interest of our democracy. Before the election the President can be a politician, provided that his track record indicates that he has a capacity to understand the fundamentals of what a democracy requires and a proven reputation for personal integrity in which he demonstrates that the nation come before narrow political or personal interests. R. Venkatraman is a fine example of such a political figure who became our President. If he is not a politician then the President must be so distinguished in an area of achievement that he is universally respected. Dr. S. Radhakrishnan was basically an educationist, but he was undoubtedly one of the finest Presidents we have had. Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam also proved that though a scientist and a teacher he could be a President whom everyone could respect and whom people would like to see in Rashtrapati Bhawan even today. Our first President, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, was a great freedom fighter and amongst the top ten leaders of the freedom movement. His knowledge of constitutional law (he was the Chairman of the Constituent Assembly) his erudition, his simplicity and austerity are all qualities which mark him out as a great President. Dr, Radhakrishnan, R. Venkatraman and Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam were erudite, humble and austere. These names I have mentioned because whether they were politicians or they came from other fields of endeavour, they enhanced democracy in India. President K.R. Narayanan was a Foreign Service officer who was also an educationist and his period as President will be long remembered as adding glory to Rashtrapati Bhawan. He is projected as the first dalit President, whereas he should be projected as the first civil servant President. In a single post the Constitution does not provide for reservation and the President cannot be elected on the basis of narrow, communal, sectarian or caste basis. It is the worth of the man or woman which must determine who should be President.

There are three names now being broadcast as the leading presidential candidates, Hamid Ansari, Pranab Mukherji and A.P.J. Abdul Kalam. They all belong to a desirable meritocracy, each of whom would make a worthwhile President. P.A. Sangma, Meira Kumar and Gopalakrishna Gandhi, whose names are also mentioned, are meritorious. Anyone of these six would restore the glory to Rashtrapati Bhawan which, unfortunately, we lost in the last five years. One prays that one of the five men and one woman becomes President because he or she would bring brilliance to Rashtrapati Bhawan, project an image of India within and abroad as a country whose Head of State is cultured and civilised and bring back to politics a decency, a courtesy, an integrity which is fast eroding.