For us Indians there are certain truths which we should take as
immutable. The Constitution of India, the basic features of which have
remained unchanged despite a number of amendments, is the document which
prescribes how this country will be structured and governed. Article 1
categorically states that India is a Union of States, which means that
it is a true federation in which the Union as an entity exists because
of its constituent States. One without the other is incomplete and,
therefore, whilst there can be debate on whether this federation needs a
strong Central Government with viable and powerful States, or whether
the States should enjoy the highest degree of autonomy with the Centre
being the cementing force, India cannot convert itself into a Unitary
State. The Qasi federal structure is here to stay.
The Preamble defines governance in this country in unambiguous terms.
India is fully sovereign and this is non-negotiable. It is socialist
in the sense that the Preamble itself mandates justice, liberty,
equality and fraternity, which means that there is equality before law,
there is freedom of thought and expression, every citizen has equality
of status and opportunity and fraternity ensures that there will be a
brotherhood of man in which no one is high and no one is low. The
Preamble also states that India will be secular and, in the context of
the partition in 1947, this was a very brave decision because whereas
Pakistan chose the path of theocracy, we opted for a nation in which
everyone was welcome, regardless of religion, caste and creed or, for
that matter, place of birth. Secularism in this context is what makes
all of us equal. The Preamble further states that India will be
democratic and that it will be a republic. One has no alternative
available whereby the republican form of government can be replaced by a
hereditary monarchy, nor can the democratic process be replaced by
authoritarian rule or totalitarianism.
The Constitution has adopted the Westminster form of democracy in
which whilst there is separation of power between the Executive, the
Legislature and the Judiciary, there is a coming together of the
Executive and the Legislature through the Council of Ministers. The
Prime Minister is appointed by the President, but because he has to
enjoy the confidence of the House, to which he and his ministers are
collectively responsible, obviously only that man would be appointed
whose party or political group enjoys a majority in Parliament. This is
an important point to be borne in mind because it determines the shape
that our democracy will take in order to elect a government. Every five
years a general election is called for electing members of the House of
the People, that is, the Lower House of Parliament. Because India is a
democracy in which Article 19 of the Constitution guarantees freedom of
speech and association, it is obvious that there will be different
streams of political thought and ideology, ranging from the extreme left
to the extreme right. The bounds within which these thoughts will be
expressed and ideologies expressed, are that the fundamentals of our
Constitution, our sovereignty, socialist ideal, secularism, democracy,
republican status and the Union of States cannot be questioned, nor
their overthrow advocated. However, within these limitations every
group of persons, every individual and every political party has the
right to not only express itself but to propagate and promote its
ideology. When there are different schools of thought prevailing in
politics and the objective of every political party is to win favour
with the electorate and thus aspire for power, there is bound to be
debate. There is also bound to be dissent, internally within a party
and externally between parties. The objective of debate is to convince
people that a particular party, its ideology, programmes and practices
is best suited to governing the country. For example, a party may
profess dogmatic socialism and nationalisation of all industry and
business as the best way forward for India. Another party may advocate
capitalism, free enterprise and laissez faire as the best policy for the
country. In between there may be many shades and nuances of political
policy which different parties may advocate. This is perfectly
legitimate and in fact desirable. It is then for the people to choose
which party they will accept as best suited for government.
At a time when the Congress Party under Jawaharlal Nehru was
virtually the uncrowned king of India and the Opposition was numerically
very small, we still had stalwarts like Ram Manohar Lohia, S.A. Dange,
Syama Prasad Mookerjee, Rajaji and other towering persons who were in
political conflict with government and expressed views contrary to those
held by Jawaharlal Nehru. However, they were heard with great respect
and their words carried weight. There was a level of debate in
Parliament and outside it which was so civilised, so serious, so
ideology based that we could pride ourselves on traditions of
parliamentary democracy perhaps not found even in Britain. Those were
the golden days of Indian democracy and the Indian Parliament.
Surprisingly this is also the period in which Nehru introduced the
concept of planned economy, not of the Soviet model, but the uniquely
Indian one in which justice and equality were more important than
Marxian dialectics. The Indian model, recognising that capital
formation through private enterprise was just not adequate to accelerate
the Indian economy to a higher plane, decided to use the State and
public enterprises for building the infrastructure and laying the base
for a capital goods industry which could modernise the country. This
was not a dictatorial decision but a democratic one in which critics and
criticisms were heard, given due weightage and did influence decision
making so that the planned economy did not transform itself into a
bureaucratic dictatorship. The above example is given to support the
thesis that civility of debate did exist in India, partly because of
Gandhian traditions, partly because Nehru was a democrat, partly because
his opponents were also democrats. Power was a means of service, not an
instrument for self aggrandisement.
All that changed in 1967, when in some of the States outright bribery
purchased Members of the State Legislature, defections were engineered
and elected governments caused to fall through dubious means. Now power
became a commodity which could be purchased, attaining of power became a
goal in itself and the wholesale subversion of the State to convert it
into a means of amassing wealth through which power could be purchased
became a norm. All means, however foul and unfair, become legitimate in
order to gain power and with this principles, ideology, consistent
political thought, pragmatic programmes, all were thrown out of
politics and the political process became totally corrupt, When a
political system becomes corrupt there are evil consequences which
flow from it. Corruption is not restricted to top levels, but soon
permeates down to the lowest government functionary. If the guardians of
democracy, the legislators and the ministers, become corrupt, they
cannot occupy high moral ground when dealing with their subordinates,
but they actually use their subordinates in order to garner money. The
subordinates, in turn, have to prey upon the citizens to collect money
and the rot sets in so deep that soon every point of contact between a
citizen and a government functionary becomes a source of milking the
citizen even for getting his legitimate work done. This is the state to
which we have brought India and, perhaps, in a way the Anna Hazare
movement was a citizen reaction to the systematic climate of corruption
that we have created. Such a climate endangers democracy itself because
if citizens lose faith in the system, then either there will be anarchy
or there will be totalitarian rule and both would be highly
undesirable.
One natural consequence of the loss of political innocence is that
the level of political debate has hit rock bottom. The politicians,
though having no specific ideology, philosophy or programme to offer,
want to be elected so that they can enjoy power. They seem to have
fine-tuned the old saying, “When in the right, fight like hell. When in
the wrong, admit”. The new saying seems to be “Who says you have to be
in the right. In any case, when in the wrong thump your opponents”.
Carried further, the entire political scenario becomes one of just
attacking one’s opponents, not for their policies, not for their
performance but on totally personal grounds. The new form of debate is
shrill, accusatory, perfectly comfortable with telling lies and happiest
of all when heaping unprintable abuse on one’s opponent and accusing
him of everything, including murder, sexual depravity and misbehaviour,
corruption, even to question the legitimacy of his birth. However,
under no circumstances tell the people what you have to offer them if
you come to power because the fact is that you have nothing to offer
and in any case you only consider them as a kind of voting machine
which is to be milked in order to gain power. Ram Manohar Lohia was
extremely critical of Nehru, but at no time did he intend to cause
hurt and at no time did Nehru take umbrage at what Lohia was saying.
There was never any intention to cause any bodily harm or any
humiliation to one’s opponent and one admires how Morarji Desai ensured
that Indira Gandhi was not victimized and Atal Bihari Vajpayee took care
of the comfort and honour of Sonia Gandhi. There was at times acrimony
but there was no vendetta. Certainly there was not the kind of
churlishness exhibited by Mamata Banerjee towards the Left in West
Bengal after she came to power. If one were to define the politics of
those days one has to use the word “civilised”.
If one were to survey the political scene today what would one find?
There is an enormous promotion of factors such as religion, caste,
region, language, group animosities and hostilities, all in order to
promote the narrow interests of a particular group or party. This
inevitably leads to fuelling narrow religious considerations, generating
communal animosity, promoting caste interests over national interests
and regional interests over the wider interests of a State, violent
manifestation of one’s prejudices, a weakening of the administration,
thus endangering the safety of citizens and, perhaps, national security
and certainly corruption on an unprecedented scale. All these are the
antithesis of good government which, incidentally, has to be the
objective of every political party. The Constitution gives them no
alternative and the fact that they are doing the exact opposite shows
that they have no respect for the Constitution.
May one suggest to all the political parties to read Part IV A of the
Constitution which gives the fundamental duties of the citizens.
Article 51 (A) states that it shall be the duty of every citizen of
India (e) to promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood
amongst all the people of India transcending religious, linguistic and
regional or sectional diversities; to renounce practices derogatory to
the dignity of women” and (j) “to strive towards excellence in all
spheres of individual and collective activity so that the nation
constantly rises to higher level of endeavour and achievements”. Can
this be done if the level of political debate is reduced to a public
brawl in which, whereas nothing positive is offered, the opponent is
attacked, with no holds barred? Therefore, if democracy is to be saved,
if the Constitution is to be respected, if the nation is to rise to new
heights, it is absolutely vital that civility be restored. The
dictionary meaning of civility as per Chambers Twenty-first Dictionary
is “politeness”. Civilised, according to the same dictionary means
agreeably refined, sophisticated or comfortable; socially, politically
and technologically advanced. Civility in debate and civilised debate
leads to civilization, defined by the dictionary as “a stage of
development in human society that is socially, politically, culturally
and technologically advanced”. Remove these three words, civility,
civilised and civilization from the dictionary and we would have a
nation of morons at constant war with each other. A constitution which
mandates fraternity, assuring the dignity of the individual, gives to
every citizen equality before law, calls upon him to strive towards
excellence, has no place for lack of civility and civilised behaviour in
the political process. The manner in which our politicians are
behaving today shows that they not only have no respect for the
Constitution, but rather that they hold it in contempt and are happy to
violate it. More than good government, more than eradication of
corruption, we need to restore to politics a standard of values and
morality, we need to return to civilisational roots, we need to restore
civility to debate.
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