It was a private visit, but it was unavoidably given an official
colour as the Indian prime minister could not have ignored the Pakistani
president's presence on Indian soil without creating a
misunderstanding.
Observers would have conjectured that India considered the embattled
Mr Zardari a spent force incapable of delivering on vital issues
whatever his desire for improved relations with India.
The government would have been criticised for missing the opportunity
to show India's backing for an elected civilian president at odds with
the armed forces who, combined with the judiciary, wanted his ouster.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is, in any case, very keen to make a
breakthrough with Pakistan and would have sought this unexpected
opportunity to engage with Mr Zardari who was, therefore, invited to
Delhi en route to Ajmer for a lunch and a private conversation.
Nothing much was expected from this meeting except a review of
various issues and a general exchange of views on further steps needed
to make progress.
This is so because India and Pakistan are already engaged in a
structured bilateral dialogue covering the whole gamut of bilateral
issues whose format and the agenda were agreed after tough negotiations.
One round of this dialogue has already been completed and the second
has begun. During this period, the Indian prime minister has met
Pakistan's leaders in India and in foreign capitals.
Unhappy History
What India expects from Pakistan is known to the latter; the answers Pakistan gives to India's demands are also known.
If progress in resolving outstanding issues is slow, it is because the issues are overlaid by unhappy history and deep mistrust.
Translating general expressions of friendship and goodwill into practical decisions is very difficult.
India wants satisfaction on the terrorism issue; Pakistan wants
"justice" on the Kashmir issue and sees terrorism as a way to force
India to yield ground.
This thinking has not been totally discarded even though Pakistan
itself has become a prey to the very monster of terrorism it created.
The increasing radicalisation of Pakistan and the impunity with which
Hafiz Saeed, the founder of Pakistan-based militant group
Lashkar-e-Taiba, operates accounts for this.
Now Pakistan has raised the water issue in highly charged terms even
though the only agreement that has worked between India and Pakistan is
the Indus Waters Treaty.
In these circumstances, to have expected President Zardari's visit to have provided a breakthrough would have been unrealistic.
President Zardari at the Sufi shrine in Ajmer The visit did not live up to the media hype, says Kanwal Sibal
At about 40 minutes, the one-on-one meeting of the leaders was shorter than expected.
In this amount of time all outstanding bilateral as well as regional issues could not have been discussed in any detail.
Prime Minister Singh appears to have spoken, not for the first time
to his Pakistani interlocutors, about the need to bring the perpetrators
of the Mumbai attacks to justice, prevent terror attacks against India
from Pakistani soil and curb the activities of Hafiz Saeed.
Mr Zardari seems to have given a non-committal response.
Predictably, the president spoke of Kashmir, Siachen and Sir Creek - three areas where the two countries dispute control.
It was important for both leaders to assure their publics that "core"
issues had been flagged. That both agreed to a step-by-step approach to
resolve them only indicates the limited potential of this high-level
conversation in Delhi to break new ground.
This step-by-step resolution of issues has lasted a few decades
already and could well last a long time more now that there are question
marks about Pakistan's future stability, the growing Islamisation of
sections of its society and the uncertain consequences for itself and
the region of its expected over-reach in Afghanistan after the US
withdrawal.
Mr Singh expressed his appreciation of the steps taken by Pakistan on the trade front.
More could have been said about this positive development in
bilateral ties in the statements by the two leaders and the later
briefing on their talks by the Indian side.
Subdued Terms
Why this was not done is not clear. Perhaps Mr Zardari was reluctant
because he does not want to be personally associated too much with this
initiative which he undoubtedly favours, leaving its positive profiling
to his government.
Somewhat surprisingly, the two leaders spoke after their meeting to
the press in uncharacteristically subdued terms, with the Indian prime
minister speaking laconically of finding practical and pragmatic
solutions to the outstanding issues and the Pakistani president being
even more bland.
Much has been made in the Indian media about the invitation to Mr Singh to visit Pakistan.
Pakistan is pressing for his visit as that would imply that it has
delivered on the terror issue, including the trial of those responsible
for the 2008 Mumbai attack, and that relations between the two countries
have been effectively normalised.
Mr Singh wants to go but he wants concrete results that would
vindicate his policy of engaging Pakistan despite its recalcitrance on
the issue of terrorism, an approach that has many critics in the
country.
A premature visit by the prime minister could be highly
counter-productive for him personally and for the country. Hence his
caution.
In response to Mr Zardari's reiteration of an invitation to visit
Pakistan "soon", Mr Singh has indicated his readiness to go on a
"mutually convenient date", nuanced to an "appropriate time" in the
briefing later by the Indian ministry of external affairs with the added
caveat of "mutually acceptable dates" and "substantive preparations"
beforehand.
All in all, the visit did not live up to the media hype, but it
served its purpose of maintaining high-level engagement with Pakistan in
the hope that incremental progress could be made in resolving the
difficult issues that bedevil the bilateral relationship.
Author is Member Advisory Board in Vivekananda International Foundation and Former Foreign Secretary
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