Wednesday, November 22, 2017

Professional Military Education - An Indian Experience

(November 22, 2017)

Introduction
“The society that separates its scholars from its warriors will have its thinking done by cowards and its fighting done by fools.” - Thucydides
Professional Military Education (PME) has always been a critical component of developing military leaders. It is based on two key principles: train for certainty, so that military personnel gain and master the skills needed for known tasks and educate for uncertainty, so that they have the broad base of knowledge and critical thinking skills needed to handle unanticipated and unpredictable situations.

Seminar on “India-China Relations and the Way Forward”

On 6 November 2017, the Vivekananda International Foundation and the Institute of Chinese Studies jointly held a joint seminar on the “India-China Relations and the Way Forward”. A delegation comprising of Prof. Zhao Bole, Prof. Lu Gang and Prof. Yu Xinli from Yunnan Minzu University, Kunming, and Prof Tan Chung participated in the Seminar. The Chinese Ambassador, Mr. Luo Zhaohui, delivered the keynote address. On the Indian side, Director VIF, Dr. Arvind Gupta, delivered the opening remarks. Director of Institute of Chinese Studies Amb. Ashok K Kantha and Amb. TCA Rangachari, Distinguish Fellow, VIF, also participated in the Seminar. The discussion was divided into two sessions: ‘India-China Relations and Cultural Ties’ and ‘Economy in India-China Relations’. The Seminar was attended by the members of the strategic community, scholars from the other think tanks, students and members of the Chinese embassy in India.
Salient points that emerged from the discussions were as follows:
The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China
Indian participants congratulated the delegation for the successful commencing the 19th Party Congress. Inclusion of “Xi Jinping’s Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era”, is a major outcome of the 19th National Congress. Evidently, China will enhance its national strength in military, economic and political realm. This will have an impact in the region, and the world.
The Chinese delegates expounded on the major diplomatic initiatives taken by Xi Jinping, pointing that in the past five years, Xi Jinping has travelled extensively around the world. They further poited out that Xi Jinping’s thought on major country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics entails two proposition: forge a new form of international relations and build a community with a shared future for mankind. This new diplomacy is against the zero-sum game and stands for peaceful coexistence.
The Border Dispute
The Chinese delegates emphasized that the linking of boundary issue with the bilateral relations is an “old mindset”; it will bring down the prospect of cooperation. The boundary issue must be resolved as soon as possible to mutual satisfaction, they opined. They considered the 1988 visit by Rajiv Gandhi’s visit as a historic visit as it helped to delink the boundary talks with the bilateral issue and that itt was only after his visit the cooperation in different areas of bilateral relations began.
The Indian side stated that the boundary question is outstanding for too long while there is a need for clarification of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) to show some progress on the issue. They added that in the new era of China’s progress, these issues should be resolved satisfactorily. It was clarified that this observation does not really imply ‘old mindset’ or going back to pre-1988 position. Guidelines for resolving the boundary issue was spelt out in 2005, and that the Agreement between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the People's Republic of China on the ‘Political Parameters and Guiding Principles for the Settlement of the India-China Boundary Question, 2005’ remains the basic framework for resolving the boundary question. They pointed out that the 2005 agreement has been eroded in a very significant manner and that putting it in the backburner is a disservice to ourselves. The unresolved boundary issue can generate mistrust between the two sides and can lead to a more serious situations than the Doklam stand-off.
The Doklam Issue
The Chinese delegates refered to Doklam as an “unfortunate story”. The Indian delegates said that Doklam issue was a setback to bilateral relations. They stated that many difficulties have arisen in the bilateral relations and Doklam was one such episode which fortunately has been resolved. Earlier, there had been the incidents at Chumar and Depsang. Such Incidents cause setbacks to bilateral relations. The two sides need to deepen mutual understanding so that such incidents do not recur and differences do not become disputes, they suggested.
The Belt and Road Initiative
The Indian delegates raised doubts about the motivation behind the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), pointing out that the initiatives are unilateral and aimed at enhancing China’s geopolitical influence. China should also be sensitive to the sovereignty concerns of other countries.
The Chinese delegates called the BRI as the ‘new commandment for Asia’, as the initiative will promote peace and stability in the region. Continuing, they stated that it is a part of Xi Jinping’s concept of international relations in which the focus is on “shared future”. Although it can go forward without India’s participation it may not be as successful as it was conceived to be. The Indian delegates mentioned their concern vis-à-vis the BRI and stated that India is not ready to assume a subordinate role in the project. They also pointed out the ongoing competition between India and China in their periphery, both in land and water.
People to People Contact
The Chinese delegates emphasized that the government to government interactions are not sufficient, there is a need for more people to people interaction. Frequent interactions help in correcting the misperception on each side and public diplomacy can partly solve the problem between the two countries, they suggested, this being the most rational and healthy way to interact with each other. More Memoranda of Understanding between the Chinese University and the think tanks with their counterpart in India and more translation projects from both the side was suggested. They also recommended that both sides should invest in promoting student exchanges. This will help in connecting the two civilizations in a much better way. The Indian delegates welcomed the fact that as many as 50 students from China are participating in the 80th anniversary of the 'Cheena Bhavana', and called for more such people to people exchanges.
Different Perception of the Evolving World Order
The Chinese delegates expressed their concern over the India, US, Japan and Australia meeting. The Indian side emphasized that it is not directed against any country and that India maintains its ‘Strategic Autonomy’, this being one of the tenants of the India’s Foreign Policy. Further, the Indian side made it clear that there is a difference of perception from both the sides about the evolving geopolitics. India has welcomed the ‘Rise of China’ but there are apprehensions about China’s assertive behavior in certain areas. India is concerned that China is no longer interested in a multipolar world order. The term multi-polarity is mentioned in the 19th Party Congress work report but it no longer seems to be the preoccupation of China, they averred.
The Way Forward for the Bilateral Relations
The Indian participants observed that India-China relations is at an inflexion point. The consensus reached between the two leaders at the Xiamen should be the guiding principle for the bilateral relations. Seemingly, the bilateral difference has occupied higher profile. There is a need to take a fresh look at the modus vivendi. The existing ones do not really address the issue in a forthright way. We need to build on the positives of the relationship and take forward the agreements reached in 2014 during Xi Jinping’s visit to India and PM Modi’s visit to China in 2015. Today we have strong leaders on both sides who can take advantage of this positive situation. The investments made by the two leaders in the bilateral relations is immense. Both the countries should acknowledge the existing convergence of interests in the international sphere, for example in West Asia and Afghanistan.
The Chinese delegates responded by stating that India and China are the two civilizations created by the Himalayas. There is no fundamental difference between the two societies. Both the countries need to focus on long-term goals like Free Trade Area (FTA) arrangement, Treaty of Good Neighbourliness and Friendly Cooperation, early harvest on the border issue and alignment of the BRI with India’s development strategy. The forthcoming meetings of foreign ministers and State Councillor Yang Jiechi’s visit to attend the 20th round of border talks is a good opportunity to build on the positives of the relations.
Both sides acknowledged the prevailing distrust in India-China relations and the need to diminish it through a variety of measures. It was also felt that strengthening people–to- people contact would help in bridging the trust gap. In summary, the Indian delegates stressed on addressing the real issues of the bilateral relation while the Chinese sides were emphasizing more on people-to-people contact and issues of their own interest.

Event Date: 
November 6, 2017

Tuesday, November 21, 2017

शी को मिला दूसरा कार्यकाल, हुए पहले से ज्यादा ताकतवर, उत्तराधिकारी स्पष्ट नहीं


Arvind Gupta, Director - VIF

चीनी कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी (सीसीपी) का 19वां पार्टी अधिवेशन (कांग्रेस) 24 अक्टूबर, 2017 को समाप्त हुआ और शी चिनिफिंग को लगातार दूसरी बार पांच वर्ष के लिए पार्टी तथा देश का नेता चुना गया। पार्टी के विचारों में योगदान के लिए शी का नाम पार्टी के संविधान में भी लिखा गया। इसके साथ ही उनका कद माओ और तेंग के बराबर हो गया। 19वें पार्टी कांग्रेस में शी शायद माओ के बाद सबसे ताकतवर पार्टी नेता बन गए। पार्टी कांग्रेस आरंभ होने से पहले ही अधिकतर विश्लेषकों को यह बात पता थी कि शी को नेतृत्व के मामले में बड़ी चुनौती का सामना नहीं करना पड़ेगा हालांकि ऐसी अटकलें थीं कि पिछले पांच वर्ष में भ्रष्टाचार के विरुद्ध चलाए गए निर्मम अभियान का खमियाजा उन्हें भुगतना पड़ सकता है। लेकिन ऐसा नहीं हुआ।

पोलितब्यूरो की स्थायी समिति में बहुत बदलाव किए गए हैं। यह चीन पर नजर रखने वाले कई विश्लेषकों की अपेक्षाओं के एकदम उलट है क्योंकि उन्हें लगता था कि 7 सदस्यों वाली स्थायी समिति में एक या दो नए चेहरे आएंगे और केवल एक या दो सीटों पर ही मुकाबला होगा। लेकिन एकदम अलग तस्वीर उभरी। स्वयं शी और प्रधानमंत्री ली कच्यांग के अलावा सभी सदस्यों को हटा दिया गया है और उनके स्थान पर पांच नए सदस्य आ गए हैं। वे हैं: शांघाई के पार्टी नेता हान झेंग, पार्टी के केंद्रीय नीति अनुसंधान कार्यालय के निदेशक वांग हनिंग, शी के चीफ ऑफ स्टाफ और पार्टी मुख्यालय के निदेशक ली झांशू, उप प्रधानमंत्री वांग यांग और पार्टी के कार्मिक विभाग की जिम्मेदारी देखने वाले केंद्रीय संगठन विभाग के प्रमुख झाओ लेजी।

शीर्ष संगठनों में पूरी तरह फेरबदल कर दिया गया है। स्थायी समिति के अलावा पोलितब्यूरो के 25 में से 15 सदस्यों को बदल दिया गया है। 200 से अधिक सदस्यों वाली केंद्रीय समिति के अधिकतर सदस्यों को भी बदल दिया गया है। इस तरह शी के पास चीन को नई ऊर्जा देने, उसे वैश्विक अगुआ बनाने और चीन को 2050 तक संपन्न समाजवादी समाज बनाने के लिए काफी नई टीम आ गई है। ली झांशू (जन्म 1950) ने पार्टी के कई पदों पर काम किया है, जिनमें मुख्यालय निदेशक और राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा कार्यालय के निदेशक के पद शामिल हैं। 2012 से ही वह केंद्रीय समिति के पूर्ण सदस्य हैं। वह पोलितब्यूरो में नहीं थे। 2017 में वह सीधे पोलितब्यूरो की स्थायी समिति में पहुंच गए हैं। उन्हें शी के करीब माना जाता है। झाओ लेजी (जन्म 1957) 2002 से केंद्रीय समिति के और 2012 से पोलितब्यूरो के सदस्य रहे हैं। वह पार्टी बिल्डिंग वर्क के लिए केंद्रीय शीर्ष समूह और इंस्पेक्शन वर्क के लिए केंद्रीय शीर्ष समूह के उप प्रमुख रहे हैं। हान झेंग शांघाई पार्टी समिति के सचिव हैं, 2012 से पोलितब्यूरो के सदस्रू हैं, 2002 से केंद्रीय समिति के पूर्ण सदस्य हैं और पूर्व चीनी नेता च्यांग झेमिन के करीबी माने जाते हैं। क्या वह च्यांग झेमिन गुट से हैं और शी को चुनौती दे सकते हैं? इस बारे में अटकलें शुरू हो जाएंगी। वांग यांग (जन्म 1955) 2013 से ही स्टेट काउंसिल के उपाध्यक्ष हैं। वह 2007 से पोलितब्यूरो के सदस्य और सीसीसी केंद्रीय समिति के पूर्ण सदस्य हैं। वांग हनिंग (जन्म 1955) 2002 से केंद्रीय समिति के केंद्रीय नीति अनुसंधान केंद्र के निदेशक हैं, 2013 से कॉम्प्रिहेंसिव डीपिंग ऑफ रिफॉर्म्स के केंद्रीय शीर्ष समूह के निदेशक हैं और 2002 से केंद्रीय समिति के पूर्ण सदस्य हैं।

एक को छोड़ दें तो सभी को पार्टी संगठनों में लंबा अनुभव है और वे सभी पिछले पांच वर्षों से शी के साथ काम करते रहे हैं। शांघाई के पार्टी सचिव हान झेंग एकमात्र अपवाद हैं। कई लोग कहेंगे कि जिन्हें शी का चहेता कहा जाता था, उन्हें छोड़ दिया गया है और पोलितब्यूरो स्थायी समिति के सदस्यों को देखकर लगता है कि विभिन्न गुटों में आपसी समझौता हुआ है। चीन में पार्टी व्यवस्था पूरी तरह अपारदर्शी है। निश्चित रूप से कुछ भी कह पाना बहुत कठिन है। लेकिन शी का अभूतपूर्व वर्चस्व ही 19वें पार्टी कांग्रेस की मुख्य बात रही है। विश्लेषकों के ध्यान में यह बात भी आई है कि 2022 में शी का कार्यकाल समाप्त होने पर उनका उत्तराधिकारी कौन होगा, यह स्पष्ट नहीं हुआ है। इसका यह मतलब भी हो सकता है कि शी ने दो कार्यकाल की अभी तक की परंपरा से इतर तीसरा कार्यकाल भी हासिल करने की संभावना जीवित रखी है। किंतु यह भविष्य की बात है।

भारत के लिए काम की बात यह है कि शी पहले से अधिक ताकतवर हो गए हैं। वह कट्टर कम्युनिस्ट भी हैं। वह पार्टी के प्रभुत्व और चीनी मिजाज वाले समाजवाद में यकीन रखते हैं। उन्होंने 2050 तक चीन को नई ऊर्जा देने का खाका तैयार कर लिया है, जिसकी हिम्मत पाश्चात्य शैली के लोकतंत्रों में बहुत कम नेता कर पाते हैं। वैश्विक संबंधों पर शी का प्रभाव स्पष्ट है। अपने दूसरे कार्यकाल के दौरान वह चीन को विश्व शक्ति के तौर पर और भी मजबूत बनाने के लिए प्रतिबद्ध रहेंगे और दुनिया की चाल तय करेंगे। वह पहले ही कई काम कर चुके हैं, जैसे चीन का वैश्विक प्रभाव बढ़ाने के लिए बेल्ट एंड रोड योजना शुरू करना। आगे जाकर चीनी युआन दुनिया भर में वैश्विक मुद्रा के तौर पर डॉलर के दबदबे को चुनौती देगा। शी ऐलान कर ही चुके हैं कि चीन बड़ी तकनीकी ताकत बनेगा क्योंकि इस दिशा में वह पश्चिम से काफी पिछड़ा हुआ है। संभावना है कि वह पीपुल्स लिबरेशन आर्मी को भी मजबूत बनाते रहेंगे। शी संप्रभुता से जुड़े मसलों पर समझौता नहीं करेंगे। दोनों देशों के बीच सीमा विवाद के कारण भारत को यह बात ध्यान में रखनी होगी।

कुल मिलाकर भारत को शी के नेतृत्व में अधिक मजबूत और प्रतिबद्ध चीन का सामना करना होगा।
(ये लेखक के निजी विचार हैं और आवश्यक नहीं कि वीआईएफ के भी ऐसे ही विचार हों)

Translated by: Shiwanand Dwivedi (Original Article in English)
Image Source: http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/xi-looks-to-cement-authority

China-India Cooperation Opportunity: Building the Asian Common Market

(Reproduction of a talk delivered by Lu Gang, Director, IIS Conference, East China Normal University (ECNU), Shanghai at a Sino-Indian Seminar, held at the VIF on 06 Nov 2017)
I am delighted to be here and attend the discussion of the bilateral relationship between China and India. The topic of my speech is ‘China-India Cooperation Opportunity: Building the Asian Common Market’, and I will explore how to cooperate to build the Asian common market for China and India, which would strengthen their bilateral consensus and coordination and form the strong base of bilateral relationship.
First of all, let me talk something about "the Belt and Road." The Belt and Road is an initiative, which China hopes that the countries along the route will respond and join it accordingly. Since it is an initiative, then there is selectivity. According the judgment of their own national interests, they can choose to join or not to join. However, from the perspective of historical development, the new era of the Asian people awaken has arrived. Ma Kai-shu, dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore, has mentioned it.
As the countries along the Belt and Road are mostly Asian countries, so it is the road that awakening the Asian people. It is also the road that the Asian people return to the mainstream of the world. The core circle of friends of "the Belt and Road" is basically Asian countries, and India is one of them. India and China constitute the two major centers of Asia to boost the economic development in Asia. India has no reason not to participate the initiative. Without India's participate on, "the Belt and the Road" can go forward, but it seems to be not perfect. why?
Any initiative to promote prosperity in the region must first solve the problems of the survival, development and happiness of the people in the region. China and India, the world's most populous nations, have solved the problem of the life of 2.7 billion people, equal to solve the problem of living more than one-third of the world's population.
How to solve the development of the populous nation? The answer is, it needs the development of a market economy and the establishment of an open market economy. The " Belt and Road" is an opportunity. Therefore, I put forward the concept of the international market of the Belt and Road". In other words, it is the Asian Common Market.
According to Adam Smith's point of view, the market's most important elements are three, the size of the consumer population; consumer purchasing power; consumer desire to buy. China's population itself has constitute a huge market volume, while India's population exceeds the sum of the population of countries along the Belt and Road. If the two countries work together to open up their own markets, they can lay down the basis of the Asian common market.
With its rapid economic development, China has become the second largest economic entity in the world. The development of China has also brought about the development of the Asia-Pacific economy and provided a powerful impetus to the growth of the world economy. China already possesses the basic elements of establishing a regional international market. China also solved the market supply of consumer goods. China has a huge domestic energy market and a high degree of internationalization and already has sufficient conditions for establishing a regional international market.
Next, China will open up its domestic market so that to become the main part of the international market of " the Belt and Road". China has realized the importance of opening up its domestic market not only for reducing trade imbalances, but also for elevating China's voice in the international economic system. Next year China holds a large-scale import of high-profile trade expo (show), and President Xi maybe attend.
Due to the background of the Belt and Road Initiative, the Chinese market will be given priority to those countries along the routes. India is one of the most important country along the route. I think that China will attach great importance to India's role and status in the Asian Common Market. With a huge market in China and diversified needs, it is believed that Indian products will be welcome in China. Of course, since we are taking the path of market economy, the government can only play a role in the top-level design and institutional arrangements. More work should be done by market economy actors in China and India according to the laws of the market economy.
Scholars in China and India should have a strategic vision to provide a long-term and sustainable structural arrangement for the relations between the two countries, and their common efforts to build an Asian market will provide an impetus to the stability of Sino-Indian relations. This is a bit similar to the cooperation between France and Germany. Their perfect cooperation created the European Common Market.
Sino-Indian cooperation can be divided into three stages:
he initial stage, the natural market economy status. The key areas in the Asian market should choose regions with developed economy, high degree of internationalization, market order and radiation capability. Shanghai and the Yangtze River Delta is undoubtedly the ideal choice. Because of the background of the Asian Common Market, as long as the Indian government releases its positive desire to communicate with China, Indian enterprises and commodities will have many conveniences when entering the Shanghai market.
Of course, whether Indian products and businesses succeed in the Shanghai market depends on its market competition. However, the good interaction between government, media and academics will affect consumers' purchasing behavior.
Intermediate stage. The combination of local government and market economy. After the gradual impact of Indian products and enterprises on the Chinese market, Chinese and Indian local governments, chambers of commerce, transinational corporations and third-party organizations such as NGOs, think tanks and universities can consult frequently and discuss market rules and market standards. These rules and standards will form the base of the rules and standards for the Asian Common Market.
Advanced stage. Chinese and Indian governments jointly advocate the stage. On the intermediate stage, the development of the Asian market will be gradually mature, and the Asian Common Market initiative can be promoted to the central government level.
This initiative, as the main part of the initiative of the Belt and Road Initiative, is developing from the bottom of society that is both practical and workable. The key elements of the Asian Common Market and the rules and standards have been basically met. Therefore, it can be put forward as a whole concept in the form of a joint initiative by the Chinese and Indian governments to establish the Asian Common Market. Just like the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, coming from the concept of India, were accepted by China and they became universal principles of international relations. Therefore, just like France and Germany, the Asian Common Market in the context of " the Belt and Road" can serve as the vision of Asia to be jointly advocated by China and India. More countries along the route join in and eventually realize the international market of the "Belt and Road
India has many advantages industries or products, such as anti-cancer drugs, Indian movies, Indian software, yoga, and so on. ECNU have India's software industry park, Indian film wanderers swept China in the eighties, so far our people at this age still remember very clearly. I am planning to hold the Belt and Road International Forum of Science and Education next year in Shanghai. At this time, I would like to invite the scholars from Indian Institute of Technology, Saint Petersburg University in Russia, Stanford University in the United States.
(Views expressed are of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the VIF)

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