Showing posts with label President Xi Jinping. Show all posts
Showing posts with label President Xi Jinping. Show all posts

Friday, November 17, 2017

Analysis of China’s 19th Party Congress



Jayadeva Ranade

Already holding over fourteen formal positions -- more than any other Chinese communist Party (CCP) leader so far – CCP CC General Secretary Xi Jinping has, as anticipated, emerged considerably stronger from this Congress. By skilful use of the sustained anti-corruption campaign he has eliminated opposition in the Party and military and drastically reduced the influence wielded by his predecessor once removed, Jiang Zemin. In September 2017, China’s official media publicised that more than 176 CCP cadres equivalent to the rank of central Vice Minister and above had been dismissed and arrested for corruption and that more than 14,000 officers of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) had been similarly dismissed. At least 120 officers of the PLA of and above the rank of Major General have been dismissed and retired.
Just weeks before the Congress, Xi Jinping publicly demonstrated his authority by arresting two top Generals (Fang Fengui and Zhang Yang), appointing 20 General Officers to command thirteen new Group Armies and promoting close associates to head the PLA Army (ground forces) and PLA Air Force. In a rare move, the names of thirteen delegates selected by Chongqing Municipality were deleted reducing the total number of delegates to 2287. A couple of days before commencement of the Congress another seven were ‘disqualified’. Politburo (PB) member and Chongqing Party Secretary Sun Zhengcai, viewed a likely candidate for the Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC), was also suddenly dismissed on charges of graft. He had been admonished in February for not doing enough to eliminate the influence of imprisoned former PB member Bo Xilai.
Xi Jinping had also been projecting himself since November 2012. The People’s Daily, for example, during Jiang Zemin’s tenure used to publish approximately 3,000 stories per year mentioning him and during Hu Jintao’s term it published 2,000 each year mentioning Hu Jintao. In stark contrast, the People’s Daily already publishes 5,000 stories each year mentioning Xi Jinping.
A major highlight of the week long (October 18-24, 2017) 19th Congress of the CCP, which was held in Beijing, was its recognition of Xi Jinping’s contribution to Chinese communist ideology. The Congress unanimously approved its incorporation into the Party Constitution as ‘Xi Jinping’s Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era’. He is the first CCP leader to have his contribution, attached to his name, enshrined in the Party Constitution while still alive. This places it next in heft to those of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, especially with the Chinese media already having begun to headline it as “Xi Jinping Thought”!
Xi Jinping’s ambition to be included in the pantheon of Chinese communist revolutionary thinkers was glimpsed early in June 2014 when the Party theoretical fortnightly ‘Qiu Shi’ (Seeking Truth) described him as “one of China’s greatest communist leaders” who had put forward “new thinking, new views and new conclusions”. The public campaign to promote inclusion of Xi Jinping’s thinking in the Party Constitution seriously kicked off in June 2017. The social media account of the overseas edition of the CCP’s official mouthpiece ‘People’s Daily’ had then revealed that the Director of the CCP Central Committee (CC) General Office Li Zhanshu had announced in an internal speech in February that President Xi Jinping’s political philosophy was “basically complete.” This was followed by a series of speeches eulogising Xi Jinping’s political wisdom. In the weeks leading to the 19th Party Congress and between August 7 and September 18, 2017, Party Secretaries of thirty one provinces and autonomous regions wrote signed articles in the official CCP newspaper ‘People’s Daily’.
Approval by the 19th Party Congress to the appointment of many Xi Jinping loyalists, who now constitute the majority of the membership of the PBSC, the PB, CCP CC Secretariat and the Central Military Commission (CMC), underscores the unmistakable -- and anticipated -- enhancement of Xi Jinping’s authority and influence. Pertinent in this context are the revelations by China’s official media, in the weeks before the 19th Party Congress, of the successes achieved by the campaign against corruption, and on the side lines of the Congress on October 20, by Liu Shiyu, Chairman of the China Securities Regulatory Commission, who said “Xi Jinping had saved socialism by bringing down high-ranking officials who intended to “usurp the party leadership and seize state power” describing Xi Jinping as a “saviour of the Communist Party”. Liu Shiyu has since been promoted to the CCP CC!
Interesting are the affiliations of the new leaders appointed to the PBSC, whose number remains at seven. The composition of the new PBSC shows that while Xi Jinping has followed the Party's informal rules and convention regarding retirement age of senior echelon cadres, he has avoided inducting younger cadres who could be potential successors in the PBSC. The field for advancement to the next PBSC and as successors to Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang have, therefore, been left wide open for the younger cadres now in the PB. The field is open too for Xi Jinping to continue in office as, which some of his acolytes have been saying since 2013, China enters a new thirty year era like those of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping earlier!
The new PB, like the previous one, has 25 members. Apart from the seven PBSC members, Xi Jinping has a clear majority among the remaining 17 PB members also. At least 12 of them are long-time Xi Jinping loyalists not including the two Vice Chairmen of the CMC who are very close and long time associates of Xi Jinping. Some of the PB members are poised to take over as heads of Central Party organisations. They all owe their rise to him.
Equally important is the CCP CC Secretariat, which has in the past five years under Xi Jinping become a powerful body. It reports directly to Xi Jinping. Xi Jinping has packed the important new 7-member CCP CC Secretariat with loyalists and Wang Huning is its senior-most member. The previous 18th CCP CC Secretariat was headed by Liu Yunshan who, like Wang Huning is now, was in charge of ideology, the propaganda apparatus and Party organisation. Three of the Secretariat’s members are persons with a background in security or the military namely, Yang Xiaodu, Guo Shengkun and Huang Kunming. The indication is that Party controls on these sectors will continue to become progressively tougher.
At least two members of the new CCP CC Secretariat have a background in Tibet affairs. In addition to Wang Huning, who has in the past been a member of Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) delegations to the National People’s Congress (NPC), these are Yang Xiaodu, a ‘sent down youth in the Cultural Revolution’ and till recently Minister of Supervision who served in the TAR from 1976-2001, and Guo Shengkun who as the Minister of Public Security (MPS) attended meetings of the Leading Small Work Group on Tibet. Huang Kunming, another member of the Secretariat has served in the PLA. As anticipated, TAR Party Secretary Wu Yingjie has been promoted to the new 19th CC as a Full Member. In addition, this time there are two ethnic Tibetans, Qi Zhala (Choedak) and Luosang Jiangcun (Lobsang Gyaltsen), as Full Members of the CC - one more than in the previous CC - and one, Norbu Dhondup, as an Alternate Member of the CC. Sun Chunlan who heads the CCP CC United Front Work Department (UFWD) and handles Tibet affairs, continues as the solitary woman in the PB despite being 67 years of age which actually puts her in the retirement zone. Interestingly Zhang Qingli, who was born in 1951 and earned a reputation as a hard-line TAR Party Secretary for his derogatory comments about the Dalai Lama, continues as a Full Member of the 19th CC. Zhang Yijiong, present Executive Deputy Head of the UFWD and Vice Minister who on the side lines of the 19th Party Congress outlined China’s new strong policy towards the Dalai Lama, has been promoted from Alternate Member of the 18th CC to Full Member of the 19th CC. All of them will have a strong voice in formulation of Tibet policy.
The new CMC consists of military officials who are all solid supporters of Xi Jinping. The composition and size of the new CMC has also changed. For the present, it comprises only four members and does not include the heads of the different services like the PLA Air Force (PLAAF), PLA Navy (PLAN) etc. The two CMC Vice Chairmen, former PLAAF Commander Xu Qiliang and PLA General Zhang Youxia, are both ‘princelings’ with long-time association with Xi Jinping. The new CMC Vice Chairman, Zhang Youxia’s father Zhang Zongxun fought alongside Xi Jinping’s father and they were called ‘partners in blood’. Zhang Youxia has fought in the Sino-Vietnam war in 1979. The presence of Xu Qiliang, Zhang Youxia and PLA Rocket Force Commander Wei Fenghe in the CMC point to an emphasis on the development and acquisition of modern, advanced defence technology. The induction of General Li Zuocheng, head of the Joint Staff Department under the CMC, and Lt. General Zhang Shengmin, Secretary of the PLA Discipline Inspection Commission, indicate that Xi Jinping will maintain the stress on a ‘clean’ and corruption free armed forces. Zhang Shengmin, incidentally, previously served in the 52th, 55th and 56th Bases of the Second Artillery in the Lanzhou Military Region and was Political Commissar of the Second Artillery Command College between 2012 and 2013. General Miao Hua as head of the Political Work department under the CMC will further Xi Jinping’s agenda of expanding Party control and supervision over China’s armed forces ensuring that the personnel are ‘red and expert’.
The new appointments in the CCP’s top bodies will allow Xi Jinping to pursue his ambitious agenda with few constraints. He will be free of any restraints in pursuing realisation of the “Two Hundreds” namely, the ‘China Dream’ (by 2021 which marks the CCP’s centenary) and making China an advanced developed nation (by 2049, or the hundredth year of the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC)). It additionally leaves open the possibility of him extending his term.
There were some important additional highlights of the 19th Party Congress. The Party, China and Army were mentioned often in Xi Jinping’s Work Report along with a specific reference to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Less mentioned were the economy, reform and development. Xi Jinping for the first time made a direct linkage between the completion of China’s second and final stage of development in 2035 and the PLA becoming a world class fighting force. There was emphasis on the PLA with the term ‘Army’ mentioned more than double the number of times than in the Work Reports presented at the 17th and 18th Congresses. It was mentioned 86 times in Xi Jinping’s Work Report to the 19th Party Congress and 49 and 54 times in the Work Reports presented at the 18th and 17th Party Congresses respectively. Xi Jinping announced that the Army’s focus will be on realisation of the ‘Chinese Dream’ for which it must develop “a new military strategy under the new situation” while national defense and military modernization will be promoted. Clarifying that by 2020, mechanization will basically be achieved and that the modernization of national defense and armed forces should be mostly completed by 2035, Xi Jinping said that “it (Army) has come a long way and strategic capabilities have seen a big improvement.” He underscored technology as the PLA’s “core combat capability”. Xi Jinping asserted that the goal is to make the PLA a “world class force” that “can fight and win” by 2050. This timeline coincides with realisation of the BRI and China becoming a nation with “pioneering global influence”. Xi Jinping also pointedly described the PLA as a “people’s army”.
The references to Hongkong, Macau and Taiwan were uncompromising with a strong suggestion of limits imposed on these. With regard to Taiwan, Xi Jinping said “we have the resolve, the confidence and the ability to defeat separatist attempts for Taiwan independence in any form. We will never allow anyone, any organisation or any political party, at any time or in any form, to separate any part of Chinese territory from China”. He asserted that the CCP “stands firm in safeguarding China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and will never allow the historical tragedy of national division to repeat itself”.
There was pronounced emphasis in the Work Report on “the Party exercising leadership over all areas of endeavour in every part of the country”, clearly indicating that Party controls will be expanded and ideology will remain predominant. Xi Jinping emphasised that “sweeping efforts” had been made to “strengthen party leadership and party building” while dismissing any notion of copying “western style democracy”. There were 331 references to the ‘Party’ in this Work Report, many more than in the Work Reports at the past eight Congresses.
Finally, Xi Jinping has lost no time in further consolidating his position and concentrating more power in his person. The first meeting of the new PB on October 27, in its notification, formally recognised Xi Jinping as the ruling Communist Party’s lingxiu – a reverential term for “leader” instead of the usual lingdao or lingji. It also stated that henceforth all PB members will not only inspect all organisations and cadres under them and submit annual reports to the concerned central Party organisations and the PB, but also to Party General Secretary Xi Jinping. He has already announced that the anti-corruption campaign will continue to be pursued with vigour and appointed his long-time loyalist and PBSC member Zhao Leji as head of the Central Discipline and Inspection Committee (CDIC).
A clear indication of China’s confidence in founding a modern socialist country by 2050 has already been articulated by the state-owned Global Times on October 25, 2017. Stating that some Westerners find this level of confidence challenging, it said they should actually see this as an opportunity and “it is time for these people to open their hearts to China”. Emphasising that China will not only be a strong nation with a first-class army, but will focus on its continued pursuit of harmony, balancing an ecological environment, and democracy, it said, “This modernized country will serve its people, rather than seek revenge upon the world in efforts to establish global hegemony”. At the same time, it warned that “China will not tolerate disruptions of any kind during this new phase of socialist modernization” adding that “if for whatever reason the nation's peaceful development is thwarted by external influence, China will not hesitate to strike back with sharp strategic force, or if necessary, prepare for a full-scale showdown. Of course, a situation of this nature will lead to consumption, and have a negative impact on the realization the nation's goal for 2050”. It also said that when “China's peaceful ascension is realized, it will be a watershed moment for humanity, a form of development completely removed from the laws of the jungle. The determination to grow into a powerful and peaceful nation will remain intact”. Pertinent to recall in this context is the resolution adopted at the Conference on Peripheral Diplomacy in October 2013, that countries which oppose China will face periods of sustained opposition and pressure!
In conclusion, the 19th Party Congress has sent out the following clear messages:-
(i) The Party will pervade and dominate all sectors in China, i.e. government, military, economy and society;
(ii) China is confident it will achieve the developmental goals set out for the first time by Xi Jinping, i.e. period 2020-2035 to make China a technologically advanced and moderately developed country in the top ranks of the world, and period 2035-2050 to make China a strong developed nation having “pioneering global influence”;
(iii) ‘Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era’ is an alternate to western-style democracy; and
(iv) incorporation of the BRI in the Party Constitution now elevates it to a national development goal with the warning against its obstruction issued on October 25 taking on added significance.
(The author is a former Additional Secretary in the Cabinet Secretariat and is presently the President of the Centre for China Analysis and Strategy)
(Views expressed are of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the VIF)

Image Source: http://fortune.com/2017/05/15/china-xi-jinping-belt-road-summit-protecti...

Friday, November 22, 2013

China’s Assertiveness in South China Sea: Vietnam’s Response and Implications for India

Maj Gen (Retd.) P K Chakravorty

Brunei Darussalam recently hosted two summits from 08 October to 10 October 2013. The first was the ASEAN summit which was held on 08 and 09 October followed by the East Asian summit on 10 October 2013. The Chinese President Xi Jinping was the most prominent dignitary present in these meetings as neither the American or Russian Presidents were present. Naturally the issue regarding South China Sea (SCS) did not generate much heat and the Sultan of Brunei noted good momentum between ASEAN countries and China over the conflicting territorial claims in the SCS. The Chinese stated their request to countries not directly involved to stay out of the dispute. Further, they emphasised that freedom of navigation in the SCS has not and never will be an issue. This was the biggest concern to nations like Australia whose 60 percent trade passes through the region. China was able to steer these conferences without any difficulty and in the absence of a strong American presence was able to push its own agenda. However, the fact remains that the issues remain unresolved and Chinese forces are creeping into this region with skill and dexterity.

In July 2010, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton had called on the People’s Republic of China to resolve the SCS territorial dispute peacefully. China replied that the US should keep out of the issue. The US Department of Defence issued a statement on 18 August 2010 where it opposed the use of force to resolve disputes in the SCS and accused China of assertive behaviour. Issues kept simmering and in May 2011, Chinese naval ships attacked and cut the cable of a Vietnamese exploration ship. On 01July 2013, US Secretary of State John Kerry asked all nations to resolve the disputes in the SCS amicably. This was accepted by all members and China has emphasised that bilateral solutions will be found. Thereafter, in the meetings held at Brunei in October, China has endeavoured to guide the discourse on SCS that is favourable to its line of thinking with the prospects of joint exploitation of hydro carbon resources of the disputed sea bed.

Vietnam’s Cooperation with India on oil exploration in the region

India’s Oil and Natural Gas Commission Videsh Limited (OVL) has been present in Vietnam for a reasonable period. The exploration license was acquired in 1988 and commercial production began in 2003. Later in 2006, OVL acquired two more blocks in the SCS for oil exploration. These were Blocks 127 and 128. Drilling in Block 127 did not reveal any hydro carbons and OVL decided to return both these locations back to Vietnam. However, Vietnam persuaded OVL to continue drilling in Block 128 despite opposition from the Chinese explicitly stating that the area of Block 128 was within Vietnamese waters. On the insistence of Vietnam, India concluded an agreement for cooperation in hydro carbons for a period of three years in 2011.

India’s position was clarified by its Defence Minister who stated that ships of the Indian Navy would continue to go to SCS for training and our merchant ships would undertake trade. Further, India clearly stated that she supported freedom of navigation in international waters including the SCS. The agreement signed between India and Vietnam was met with stiff opposition from China who claimed that no exploration could be undertaken in areas over which China has sovereign rights. The Government of India correctly responded by stating that while China had concerns, India was going by the agreement signed with Vietnam. The Chinese claim was rejected by both India and Vietnam. As per the UN, the area of exploration belongs to Vietnam. India has firmly stated that ONGC will continue to explore oil in the SCS. Further India has clarified that the entire Indian Ocean region stretching from East African coast to SCS remains crucial to its foreign trade, energy and national security.

Vietnam has remained steadfast on the issue and in July 2012 the National Assembly of Vietnam passed a law demarcating Vietnamese sea borders to include the Paracel and Spratly Islands.

Resolution of the issues

All countries particularly US and ASEAN want the issues to be resolved peacefully. China has been dealing with the issue bilaterally without much success. Its occupation of territory by force is challenged particularly by Vietnam who has demonstrated their military capabilities and would counter use of force judiciously. The obvious question that arises is what the options for resolving the issue are. Broadly there are two options. The first is to resolve the problem through negotiations bilaterally or multilaterally. In the event of no success during negotiations, the parties could resort to other modalities of dispute settlement such as conciliation, arbitration and adjudication. This is a sovereignty dispute and it would be difficult to refer it to any form of third party without the consent of parties. Further China has exercised her right under Article 298 on UN Convention of Law of Seas to opt out of compulsory binding dispute settlement. Therefore, the case may not go before the International Tribunal for Law of Sea. The other option would be to set aside sovereignty issues and to undertake joint development of disputed areas. Joint development has produced tangible results between Malaysia and Thailand (1979-1990), Malaysia and Vietnam (1992) as also between Australia and Timor Leste (2002). This issue can be applied to Disputed Areas. However, China has yet to clarify its claims. Thereafter the aspect of Joint Development could be analysed.

Role of Vietnam

Vietnam is the only country which has physically fought the Chinese on these islands and would not bow to China over their claims. While China holds the key to resolution of problems in the South China Sea, it is pertinent to note that China resolves a border problem only after protracted negotiations so as to exploit time to its advantage. Paracel Islands was secured in 1974 by China without worthwhile opposition from Vietnam as they were involved in the war for unification. They would like to get a clearer perspective of hydrocarbon availability prior to clarifying their claims. Out of all the other claimants, Vietnam would fight for its rights and settle for a judicious resolution. The new Chinese leadership has been assertive on both the East Sea and SCS claims.

Vietnam and Japan have strongly opposed China’s aggressive behaviour on these disputes. Both these countries seek to involve the U.S. and other regional powers like India to counter China’s assertive posturing. India on her part has spoken of freedom of navigation in the high seas. Further, Vietnam has insisted that India continue offshore drilling in the blocks allotted despite Chinese opposition.

Six Wars visualised by Chinese analysts

A Hong Kong based daily Wen Wei Po published an article in June 2013 titled “Six Wars to be fought by China in the next Fifty years.” This is a Chinese Communist Party daily and the editor-in-chief is a member of the Chinese People’s Consultative Conference (CPCC). The article states that the First War would be fought for the unification of Taiwan between 2020 to 2025, the second would be re conquest of Spratly in the period 2025 to 2030, the third would be capture of Southern Tibet (Arunachal) likely to occur between 2035 to 2040, securing of Diaoyu islands between 2040 to 2045 would be the fourth war, the fifth war would be unification of Outer Mongolia between 2045 to 2050 and recapturing of lands lost to Russia would be the sixth war between 2055 and 2060. The second war would be primarily fought against Vietnam and the third war against India.

The Second War would be fought after the unification of Taiwan and it is possible that Vietnam and Philippines would put up a stiff resistance. The US is expected at best to provide outside support. In such an eventuality, the best option would be to attack the Vietnamese posted in these islands and capture them. As per the Chinese, this will compel other countries to hand over their islands to China. China possibly is underestimating the military prowess of Vietnam against whom a war was fought in 1979 to teach a lesson. Much to its anguish, China learnt a few lessons from Vietnam and over a period of time has forgotten them. The wars against Vietnam would not be a cake walk and despite the modernisation by the Chinese, the Vietnamese are focussing on Anti Access / Area Denial capability. Similarly, the capture of Arunachal would be a hard nut to crack. Both India and Vietnam are required to modernise their Armed Forces and enhance their capabilities.

The Chinese Prime Minister visited Vietnam on October 13 and agreed to mutually resolve the disputes in the SCS. China respects strength and Vietnam, despite being very cautious, would be willing to stand up to China’s military challenge. India too must remain firm and modernise its military in a fast track mode. Enhanced defence cooperation between Vietnam and India would be mutually beneficial.



Resolution of disputes in the SCS would depend largely on China’s keenness to clarify its claims and peacefully negotiate with other claimants. The new leadership is looking for a Chinese dream where the territorial claims are settled entirely to its advantage. In the SCS dispute, while Vietnam would do its best to avoid a military conflict with China, it would be unwilling to accept Chinese hegemony. India on its part has to very prudently discern the emerging strategic dynamics in the Asia Pacific region and craft its responses and policies in a manner that would suit its national interests and objectives.


(The author was India’s Defence Attache to Vietnam)