Indian elections in the past have always tended to be rambunctious,
rowdy, noisy and not always necessarily peaceful. I have had the great
good fortune of being an international observer nominated by the Sri
Lankan Government to observe four levels of elections in that country,
local government, provincial government, parliamentary and presidential.
As Collector of a district I have had the opportunity to run two
general elections in my district and, therefore, I have had firsthand
knowledge of how elections are conducted. What struck me about Sri
Lanka was that there were no posters and banners except at the offices
of different political parties and at the site of approved public
meetings. Walls were not defaced by slogans, loud speakers were used
only at designated places and for meetings authorised by the district
administration and the police, canvassing was low-key and candidates had
to observe a strictly enforced code of conduct. The contrast with
India could not be more complete.
The Election Commission, starting with T.N. Seshan as the Chief
Election Commissioner, initiated changes which brought some order and
discipline to our elections. The first step in this direction was the
enforcement of a model code of conduct which, broadly speaking, laid
down that once the schedule of election was announced, government could
not initiate any new projects, make any postings and transfers, give
promise of future developments of a particular type, sanction additional
funds without the approval of the Election Commission and generally
government was required to act in a caretaker capacity only. The idea
was that all the political parties will go into the elections on an
equal footing, with the ruling party being prevented from giving favours
which might give it an undue advantage. Gradually the Election
Commission, under successive CECs, moved the country towards a position
in which almost the entire government machinery connected even remotely
with elections came under the control of the poll panel. The purpose of
this was to ensure that government servants did not take sides in any
election, did their duty impartially and were immunised against any
undue pressure by the ruling party or the contending opposition parties.
The grip of the Election Commission is now so tight that right from
the lowest level of government servants to the highest, every single
posting comes within the purview of the Election Commission and
government has no discretion in this behalf.
After initial resistance against this state of affairs all State
Governments fell in line and a few months before the elections the
entire government machinery virtually passes into the control of the
Election Commission. This includes the police, whose deployment to
maintain order during an election is done under the overall control of
the Election Commission, the State Chief Electoral Officer and the
District Election Officer, that is, the Collector. The process which
started with T.N. Seshan whereby elections could become fair, be
conducted in an orderly manner in an environment of public peace and
order, bribery could be controlled or even eliminated and parties forced
to function within a frame of decency, has been continued by successive
Chief Election Commissioners. It is a very well recorded fact that for
the first time in the history of Jammu & Kashmir, the Election
Commission under N. Gopalaswamy ensured free and fair elections in that
State. A similar exercise was conducted in West Bengal in which the Left
Front registered an impressive victory despite their being strict
control over rigging, though in the subsequent election under similar
conditions the Left Front was defeated at the polls by Mamata Banerjee’s
Trinamool Congress. It is no mean achievement of the Election
Commission to conduct fair polls in two of the most difficult States in
India.
I have recently canvassed for an independent candidate in Betul for the State Assembly polls conducted on 25th
November, 2013. I was Collector Betul fifty-one years ago and have
been the District Election Officer in that capacity and have conducted a
general election there. It is a district of which I am very fond and I
know it intimately. All the persons contesting the polls were known to
me, probably because their fathers and grandfathers knew me when I was
the Collector. I found that the noise level of electioneering was
much less than before , city walls were not defaced by painted
slogans, the posters and banners were few and far between and the
schedule of public meetings approved by the authorities was adhered to.
There was a genuine apprehension that violation of any of the
conditions prescribed by the authorities would lead to immediate action.
One advantage of an orderly election is that there is a sharp decline
in public violence which hitherto has unfortunately marred many
elections in India. In the northern districts of Madhya Pradesh,
notorious for dacoity and general lawlessness, there were a few ugly
incidents, but these were very quickly suppressed by the police and
order was restored. This is a very significance achievement of the
Election Commission because absence of violence almost automatically
leads to a high turnout of voters. Madhya Pradesh registered a
seventy-one percent turnout and Mizoram had about eighty-one percent
turnout. A high voter turn-out is indicative of the health of our
democracy because it means that people are prepared to accept personal
discomfort in order to vote, confident in their belief that law and
order will be maintained, they need not have any concern about personal
safety and that public awareness of the power of the vote has permeated
down to the last village and the last citizen. I consider the conduct
of elections in this manner by the Election Commission as both a
hallmark of the maturity of our democracy and also of the dedication of
the Election Commission to conduct free and fair polls. It is also a
tribute to our voters that they realise the power of vote, they are
prepared to exercise their franchise and they have faith in the system
which encourages them to be so forthcoming in casting their votes. It
is also a tribute to the Electronic Voting Machines (EVM) , which makes
India the most technically advanced nation in the world in the matter
of casting of votes. Despite allegations to the contrary, the EVM is
virtually pilfer-proof, it is fast, it enables results to be announced
within a few hours of the beginning of counting of votes and it has
worked wonders in curbing rigging. I know that there are allegations
that voting machines can be fixed, but my own experience is that even if
one or two aberrations are found basically the EVM is an excellent
method of casting the vote, protecting it from subsequent interventions
which are mala fide and ensuring that a very fast count gives us results
in a matter of hours. As people become used to the idea of voting
machines being difficult to rig, incidents of booth capturing and other
forms of violence during elections have drastically reduced. These are
all positive factors of which the country can be proud. It is
unfortunate that the media is quick to report the odd complaint about
EVM malfunction, but reluctant to present the full picture of how India
conducts its elections with great sped, competence and in a secure
environment. The proof of this is that apart from two attempts by
Naxalites to disrupt proceedings in Bastar Division of Chhattisgarh, the
terrorist forces were kept at bay and people exercised their franchise
without fear.
There are some things which need immediate attention. In its zeal to
ensure that elections are free, fair and conducted in a civilised
manner, the Election Commission is over reacting to complaints and
perceived fears regarding the fairness of the elections. For example, a
senior police officer in Madhya Pradesh was posted as a Zonal IG. Some
distant relation of his was standing for election in another Zone.
Nevertheless the IG was transferred to police headquarters from a field
posting. How that IG could influence elections in another Zone when he
himself would be busy with ensuring security during elections within his
own Zone beats me. In fact the possibility of his intervening with
elections when located in PHQ, where he would have almost no work and
could have spare time to promote mischief in the area where his relation
was standing for election, would be much more than what he could do in
another Zone where he himself would be extremely busy attending to field
work. I think the Election Commission needs to settle down and work
out a manual which gives guidelines on postings and transfers, with
subsequent monitoring of such transfers being done, with the
Commission’s intervention being limited to those cases where there is a
genuine and compelling reason to believe that a person is unsuited for a
particular post. I am not decrying Election Commission’s excessive
sensitivity in this behalf, but I do believe that the Commission should
move towards a more balanced view on how to deal with complaints.
Another area of concern is the immediate reaction of the Election
Commission to statements made by politicians in election meetings and
assemblies. I wish our politicians were mature enough to restrict
electioneering to issues only, though my fear is that this would reduce
the size of their audience, a large part of which turns up to hear the
candidates and their supporters by way of entertainment in a place which
is otherwise devoid of means of amusement. In their public speeches
our leaders, charged up with emotion, are likely to make exaggerated
claims for their own parties, put excessive emphasis on the
shortcomings of their opponents, up to an including vilely opposing them
whilst promising the sun, the moon and a generous slice of the Milky
Way Galaxy to their own supporters. In a village an election meeting is
more entertaining than a travelling circus. I am not suggesting that
the Election Commission should give unbridled licence to what can be
said in an election meeting, but I would suggest that they must accept
that elections are a time for exaggeration, denigration of one’s
opponents and generally attempting to fool the people, or persuade the
people to vote in a particular way. Let the Election Commission
monitor, but let it not act as a moral police and take all the fun out
of electioneering. Who does not like to hear which candidate has the
greater share of illegitimacy in his family? Sant Tukdoji may be ideal
for a religious pilgrimage, but the seventh generation of illegitimate
births is so much more spicy and entertaining in an election speech.
Stop being a wet blanket, Mr. CEC and your colleagues.
The Election Commission is fighting a heroic battle to try and keep
electoral expenditure under control so that it is genuine political
belief which sways a voter, rather than the “Kambal-Bottle philosophy”,
or bribery. The Commission has prescribed strict norms of expenditure,
has posted financial observers in every district, has conducted search
of vehicles suspected of carrying money for an election campaign and is
doing its best to ensure honesty in elections. This is one area where
the success ratio is very low because many of our voters expect some
personal benefit and the candidates are prepared to bribe. Perhaps State
funding of elections is the only answer to the present chicanery which
is the hallmark of most election funding. The next major reform which
the Election Commission must persuade government to undertake is the
mandatory state funding of elections and a virtual total ban on private
funding even by the candidate.
I am not happy about the Election Commission’s decision to include
None of The above (NOTA) as an option when voting. I had advocated a
similar move, but my suggestion was that if NOTA got the highest number
of votes, then the election to that constituency should be
countermanded, all the persons whose nominations have been accepted
should be debarred from election for six years and the cost of holding a
fresh election for that constituency should be charged pro rata to the
political parties who had nominated candidates whom the people did not
accept. Then NOTA would be worthwhile because it would force the
parties to field candidates who are locally acceptable and also cause
them monetary loss. Otherwise the present exercise is meaningless, it
wastes valuable votes but it still allows the worthless to be elected.
This is a retrograde step and I hope the Election Commission is
broadminded enough to accept this and take the next step as suggested by
me. If not then the NOTA button should be removed.
Regardless of the results the people of India and the Election
Commission have much to be proud of because we are emerging as a matured
and responsible democracy. The next step in this direction is that the
parties realise that issue based politics, clearly enunciated
ideologies, programmes and policies, practical suggestions for
development which promotes welfare is what will bring them to power.
That is when politics and elections will move to a higher plane, a
larger orbit.
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.