The perceived inadequacies of the Ministry of External Affairs(MEA)
to handle the ever diverse foreign policy challenges facing India are
being publicly aired. Critics are wrong in suggesting that the Indian
Foreign Service(IFS) has been ignoring its own deficiencies and
resisting an overhaul in recruitment and training procedures, cadre
expansion, skill-building in foreign languages, posting and promotion
policies etc.
In actual fact, the Ministry has been conscious since long of its
functional shortfalls. The N.R. Pillai Committee (1966), the Samar Sen
Committee (1983) and the S.K.Lambah report (2002) have recommended
structural, administrative and cadre reforms, but the complexity of the
problems have resisted easy solutions.
Scenario
Those stirring up a public debate today on the IFS’s deficiencies
have taken the cue from an American report which criticizes the service
for being small, hobbled by its selection process and inadequate
mid-career training, and shunning the use of outside experience. The
report advises investment in US-India exchange programmes that build
capacity for foreign policy research and proposes steps that both New
Delhi and Washington should take to promote India’s rise as a great
power.
Its recommendations are largely a rehash of what is already well
known; the offer of US collaboration in equipping our diplomats with
professional capacities needed to support India’s growing international
stature is new. Some articulate Indians impatient with India’s desire to
preserve its strategic autonomy endorse such ideas, without thought
that training our diplomats in US institutions at formative stages would
be undesirable.
Indian diplomats should develop a world view sharply focused on our
own national interests, with the mental strength and conviction to
defend it. This does not exclude mature diplomats solidly grounded in
Indian geo-political perspectives benefitting from exposure to specific
foreign programmes.
The ongoing public debate on the MEA’s shortcomings lacks
perspective. If the total cadre strength of the IFS remains abnormally
small, it is because the system has been against its expansion, relying
on perennial financial arguments, the enduring ban on creation of new
posts, as well as the unstated reluctance to increase a cadre already
seen as a privileged one by other civil services.
A more nuanced view should be taken of the equation between India’s
growing diplomatic burden and the IFS’s size. Large portions of India’s
diplomatic activity abroad is not within MEA’s remit. The Rules of
Business will not allow the Ministry to negotiate FTAs, lead WTO
negotiations, deal with the IMF and World Bank, backstop G-20
negotiations, take charge of Climate Change negotiations, sign defence
agreements or those in space and atomic energy, decide the country’s
energy policies and negotiate energy deals etc.
The MEA can play a supportive role, but even this role is greatly
circumscribed by limiting drastically deputations of IFS officers to
other Ministries with large international dealings. Those in other
Ministries involved in external dealings are part of the larger body of
Indian “diplomats” dealing with “foreign policy”. So it is not 700 plus
IFS members on whose shoulders all the burden of foreign affairs falls.
The Ministry is no doubt seriously understaffed at New Delhi and
abroad in our missions. The ratio between officers at HQs and in
missions abroad is highy skewed in Ministry’s disfavour. MEA’s
territorial divisions lack sufficient manpower to give requisite
attention to all the countries under their charge. Linguistic
proficiency suffers because the smallness of the cadre leads to transfer
of officers from one station to another irrespective of their language
background as available posts have to be often filled by whosoever
becomes due for a shift after 3 years of an assignment abroad.
Proposals
Apart from specialization requiring a much larger cadre, officers
generally prefer more broad based experience. Specialization in UN work
would be attractive as it ensures the New York-Geneva circuit for
postings, but that in Africa etc would work against rotation between
more comfortable and hardship postings in the interest of equity.
Mid-level lateral entry from think-tanks, universities, media and
corporate sector is being proposed for widening MEA’s talent pool. Such
entries are on a contractual basis for limited periods would pose no
problem, but if absorption in the IFS cadre is intended, existing
problems will worsen.
Stricter norms for promotion is an in-service demand also, but while
the IAS has numerous parking slots outside the Ministries and at state
level for underperformers, what does the MEA do with weeded-out
de-motivated officers?
The idea of a separate IFS examination is not new; it has been
resisted because of legitimate fears that the service would lose parity
with the IAS. It would be desirable to make it compulsory for those
wanting to enter the IFS to choose specific subjects for the UPSC
examination which bear on diplomacy, including writing the examination
in English. The interview marks can be increased as was the case in the
past. The MEA would welcome such decisions, but they would have their
anti-elitist detractors.
Performance
The IFS has performed well despite handicaps. Critics should point
out specific instances where it has failed because of deficiencies in
understanding and action. In toto, the Ministry is better run than
others, its officers are more committed, largely insulated from
political interference and corrupt practices and have a robust sense of
India’s national interests.
The IFS is less vulnerable than sections of our political and
bureaucratic class to external blandishments and cannot be as easily
manipulated. Which is why it is criticized in some western circles for
its negative diplomacy, for being wedded to an outdated world view which
resists efforts to incorporate India into the West’s sphere of
political and intellectual influence. Some who are attacking the MEA
today want this resistance to end.
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